Monthly Archives: November 2009

BBC E-mail: Timeline: Uganda


Fellow UAH members,

I saw this information on the BBC website and thought it wise to share it with you all. Some time back we had a debate in which a member wrote that Buganda developed at the expence of Bunyoro and that claim was challenged.
I hope that this link will refresh our mind about the History of Uganda that might have been forgotten or not known.
BJ. Rubin.

** Timeline: Uganda **
A chronology of key events

Museveni’s 2007 Land bill is useless


The UPDF officers are the real problem in land woes.  I suspect more trouble in Acholi as the people return home. mark you some of them were in the camps longer than 12 years and could not know or complain about their land.

The buck stops with the President. he knows what the crooks within the ranks are doing.  Is he is impotent  to act?

There is nothing new in the Bill. Nothing. Just because Professor Nsibambi says it is good does not mean anything.   The problem is clear or at least ought to be to those who think: how can the same land be 100 percent owned by both the landlord-title holder and the tenant?  Think about it.  So neither actually owns the land. Why? Because neither party has the freedom to do as they please with the land. But how can that be the case when you own 100%?

I don’t mean to put down anyone but in that house, no one has pondered that. May be some have done so but there voices have been neglected.

I am sure many folks in here drive. Okay, forget the folks in Uganda, may be they can have 100% insurance coverage there for their cars, but many of us who live outside Uganda cannot. Our deductibles and rates differ on the basis of several factors. Age, younger drivers pay more because they take big risks on the road and cause many accidents. Their deductibles are therefore higher. It means they must pay more out of their pockets to have their cars fixed in case of accidents too.

Women in general pay lower rates and enjoy higher coverage (lower deductibles) because they are generally better drivers. There are even regional differences depending on where one lives. recent immigrants pay higher because they have no history and some have maddu/akajanja on roads/behave as if there are nor cars in Africa  so they buy DMC and so on. Why is discriminations in insurance necessary?  Once again, what is the role of the deductible? It goes without saying that no deductibles no insurance market.

Can you imagine if drivers enjoyed 100% coverage?  They would never care and roads would be terrible.   That would be a moral hazard/people would cease to take precautions. That is pretty much what has happened in the land sector in Uganda.  There is a moral hazard. And the published land Bill which I have seen and read has nothing; I repeat nothing to cure the problem.   There is a solution, but the regime wants UPDF officers to grab more land. Tumukunde, Oketa, Tinye. Bogere, Salleh and many more.  Ge maddu But who were these people before Luwero? Nobodies, hence the greed.

And yes, ebibimba bika/what goes up must come down.  True dat. But Ugandan politicians are funny. They use people as ladders but once they are on top, tell them off.  Of course the fall is steeper if you come down without the ladders.

I suppose UPDF generals and NRMO MPs can demand 100% insurance coverage for their vehicles. Can the NRMO spin masters clarify this point?

I hope you can figure out the solution to the land question. I have laid it but will not solve it since it is a political issue.   Will wait for NRMO dudes to retort: “where are their [DP] ideas on the land question”. Bingo.  And trust me they will taunt the opposition because they are convinced they have a good bill. Wapi.  Having majority in the houses does not mean you pass any garbage simply because you have the numbers.

But this goes to the deeper problem in Uganda. How can a government lacking the capacity to draft a good land bill have any chance with the international oil giants?  How can a regime lacking the capacity to deal with ghost soldiers within its ranks have a chance in anything?  I mean if the regime lacks the legal and fiscal capacity to tackle simple problems internally, what chances does it have when it comes to oil?


The reply from the Chief Secretary to the Bataka


Below is the response of the Colonial Secretary on the Bataka and their grievances on the loss of their land to the 1,000 or so new land owners created by the 1900 agreement:

Speech by E. B. Jarvis, Acting Governor of Uganda , to the Lukiko, 7 October 1926 on the  grievances of the of the Bataka.

Ssabasajja Kabaka, Chiefs and all people of Buganda :

I have come to read out the decision in the case of the Abataka from the Secretary of State for the Colonies.

1.  I asked Ssabasajja to summon an unusual Lukiko so that I could deliver to you the decision Of the Secretary of State for the Colonies in the Butaka land question which is the subject of much grievance in Buganda ; and which question, you all know, has been the subject of disagreement and correspondence for some years past.

2. You will recollect that a Commission of Inquiry was appointed in the year 1924, which was directed to carefully inquire and submit findings on the allocation of land by the Lukiko and to certify as to whether it was done in accordance with what had been stipulated in the 1900 agreement, and as to whether the allocation was based on the national custom of the olden days, and to recommend a measure of solution to be adopted, satis­fying both parties and remedying any miscarriage of justice, upon finding that what was laid down in the agreement was not followed and the national customs or traditions were respected.

3. The members of the Commission of Inquiry, having carefully inquired into the matter, eventually found from the evidence put before­ them, that some of the Abataka were unlawfully expelled from their butaka and their butaka estates were allocated to other people who were not entitled to same according to the Buganda Agreement and the Secretary of State for the Colonies has accordingly directed that the Buganda Government be informed that he also agrees with what the members of the Commission of Inquiry have found as a fact. In spite of the fact that the above was the situation, the authority of Buganda Government had failed to find a way out to solve the problem and the matters then left with the British Government were two items only: (a) a complete refusal to consider this matter at all and (b) to appoint a committee with, powers to consider everything recommended by the Commission of inquiry.

4. With regard to the last question of, appointing a committee, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, although satisfied with the findings of the Commission of Inquiry into this difficult problem, and while appreciating their sympathetic considerations aimed at finding a solution satisfactory to both parties, believes that the majority of the people concerned will also appreciate the difficulty of formulating a set of safeguard rules to be followed by such a committee which might be appointed and that to try to do so now after such an elapse of a long time although with good in­tentions, presents more difficulties as it ,has been established for many years, which fact limits the possibility of a successful change over. For a considerable time in the past, it was an accepted policy without any dispute even from those who are now petitioning for an inquiry to a reversion; the Secretary of State for the Colonies has further considered that there will not be enough unacquired fertile land which could be ex­changed with the proprietors of the lands sought to be acquired.

5. The Secretary of State for the Colonies agrees with the findings of the Commission that the question of large estates to an individual ownership when compared to the welfare of the country as a whole is not so import­ant as safeguarding the interests or well-being of the native tenants who might settle on the land.

6. Because of the foregoing explanation, the Secretary of State for the Colonies intimates that the Government of Buganda and people should be informed that he has decided not to interfere in the matter under dispute and to have nothing to do with the Crown Provisional Land Certificates issued to landowners and confirmed by the British Government.

7. The Secretary of State for the Colonies desires it to be publicly understood that the Abataka Association’s petition to him regarding land allocations in Buganda Government has received due consideration and therefore this decision should be treated as final.

8. The Secretary of State for the Colonies, however, hopes that the Buganda Government will not fail to follow what the Governor may find fit to be done to take to reserve and preserve as may be practicable, the places known as burial grounds and which existed at the time of the Uganda Agreement.

9. It is further required to inform you that the Secretary of State for the Colonies is of the opinion that land allocation by the Lukiko and the procedure adopted by the Regents in land matters which were referred to them, during the minority of the Kabaka, were neither carried out with justice nor with the trust attached to their office; and has therefore felt much sorrow and forced to point out that the Buganda Government should be more strictly supervised than has been hitherto the case in land dealing matters; the rights of landowners in their estates and the safe­guards to tenants who settle on such estates should be watched.

10. In conclusion I should like to remind you that it was first agreed when the Commission started its inquiry into the Butaka issue, that each party would be bound to accept whatever decision the Secretary of State for the Colonies may arrive at.

And I therefore sincerely hope without any doubt in my mind that both parties because of what was agreed before, will accept and humbly submit to this decision and forget (or bury) all what has been creating differences and start working together in good spirit for the welfare of Buganda development.

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick

Status of Buganda’s 9,000 sq. miles of land.





1.         Governments Position on Buganda’s  9000 Sq Miles:

On 11th March 2008 the Hon. Attorney General of Uganda made a Statement to Parliament in answer to questions raised by the Hon. B Kamya on the status of Buganda’s 9,000 sq. miles of land. The AG’s statement may be summarised as follows;


(i)                 The 9,000 sq miles of land derive their origin in the 1900 Buganda Agreement. This agreement amongst other matters, divided up the land in Buganda among various interests. The 9,000 sq miles were designated as Crown Land vested in H M the Queen of Great Britain.


(ii) Land in Buganda was surveyed in 1936 and it was found to be 16,138 sq. miles excluding water and swamps. Open water was 8,250 sq. miles and the swamps were 1714 sq. miles. [This means that the total area of Buganda was 26,120 sq. miles and not 19,600 sq. miles as was estimated in 1900] . As of 1962 of the 16,138 sq. Miles was less by 9005 sq. miles [allocated to the Kabaka, members of the royal family, the three regents, Mbogo, Kamuswaga, the twenty Ssaza chiefs and notables] it was also less by central forests reserves 446 Sq. miles; less by local forest reserves 281 Sq. miles; less by 21 sq miles  being national parks, game reserves and animal sanctuaries; less by 76 sq. Miles  for gazetted townships; less by 360 sq. miles  alienated to non Africans. This totalled 10,198 sq. miles. The unalienated land (Crown Land) was 5,949 sq miles. When Buyaga and Bugangaizi reverted to Bunyoro, Crown Land in Buganda was further reduced by 667 Sq miles leaving a balance of 5,282 sq. miles.

When Ranching schemes were established in Buruli, Masaka and Singo, crown land was further reduced by 644 Square miles leaving a balance of 4,614 sq. miles.

Since 1962, various controlling authorities have alienated land to individuals and companies in form of leaseholds and free holds – the Attorney General did not elaborate to whom and how much land has been alienated in this way and what remains. If the AG’s statement were to be correct then what is left of the public land is far less than 4,614 sq. miles.

(iii)             In 1962 the Crown Land Ordinance vested all Crown Land in Buganda in Buganda Land Board.

(iv)              The 1967 Constitution, that abolished Kingdoms, vested  all official estates and all land that was vested in the Buganda Land Board in the Uganda Land Commission.

(v)                The 1975 Land Reform Decree declared that all land in Uganda was public land.

(vi)              The 1995 Constitution provided that that all land belonged to the citizens of Uganda under four tenure systems namely customary, freehold, mailo and leasehold. The aspect of public land in Uganda disappeared at this point in time!

(vii)            The 1995 Constitution created District Land Boards whose functions include holding and allocating land in districts which is not owned by any person or authority – therefore according to the AG, former Crown Land or public land, land which is not owned by any person or authority is now vested in the District Land Boards. Also the former public land is now owned by the people who are customarily living on it.

(viii)          District Land Boards can facilitate people customarily living on former public land to acquire certificates of customary ownership or free hold titles. This is on going. [ According to a Commissioner in the Ministry of lands this is done for a paltry 22,000/=]

(ix)              On the 1,500 sq. miles the AG states that these are managed by the Government and Local Government under S. 45 (10 of the Land Act …. for the common good of the people of Uganda.

(x)                The practical route to revesting the 9,000 Sq miles of land in Buganda is through operationalisation of Regional Governments and the Regional Land Board.

(xi)              On the return of  Buganda’s confiscated assets under the 1993 Traditional Rulers (Restitution of Properties ) Act, the AG points out that negations for the return of these assets are on-going and he challenged Hon. Betty Kamya to produce evidence  that Government is dragging its feet on this matter!

In sum, the AG is telling Buganda that the 9,000 sq miles is more-or-less no more. By 1962, only 4,614 Sq miles of land were left. Today this land has been further reduced by give-aways by the Government to company’s and individuals that have bought it from the districts, however that if any remains then it belongs to the people who customarily living on it. This has been legalised by the 1995 Constitution that abolished the notion of public land in Uganda. Leaving such land to be land owned by no body and giving Districts powers to alienate that land as it pleases. But, he advises, if Buganda is interested in having a right of the residue of that land then it should accept the regional government under he Constitution.

The Attorney General’s statement was followed by the now famous remarks of Lt Gen. Tinyefunza in Parliament  that “ the current talk of the Mengo Clique of Buganda being only for Baganda and the mailo akeenda of being ettakka lyaffe lya Buganda. It is rubbish and nonsense and it must stop”  also that “in 1964, ranching schemes were created in areas of Kabula, Mawogola and Singo and people were displaced. Therefore what the Movement Government is trying to do is to right the wrongs which have been  perpetuated by bankrupt post independence governments” . the LT Gen concluded his submission thus “ the land question will not derail this country; that is thuggery will not be allowed to continue and the security services are looking and will deal with them”.

Need-less to say, the Governments’ statement on the status of the 9,000 Sq miles is alarming, but also begs a million questions!  These include –

(i)                 Given that Buganda’s communal land was illegally confiscated by the state in 1962 can the Government explain to the rightful owners i.e the people of Buganda – how it has alienated this land including on a free hold basis?

(ii)               Can the Government explain how it converted former public land into – either customary land and /or private free hold land without the consent of the people concerned or without due compensation?

(iii)             If former public land is now customary land how then can the districts be able to alienate the same land on the basis that it does not belong to any body under Art. 241 of the Constitution? Also, what is the legal basis for the districts leasing or issuing free hold titles on customary land??

(iv)              What is the relevancy, if any, of the “on going negotiations” for the return of all assets confiscated by Obote regime under the Traditional Rulers (Restitution of Properties ) Act  – which undertook to return all such assets – if in fact they are already.

(v)                Assuming Buganda accepted the Regional Government, how will it be able to own and/or control land which is now customary land owned by the people customarily living on it?

(vi)              What is the status of the people who are staying on Buganda’s customary land who migrated or have been resettled on this land – does it belong to them and can they be said to be customarily living on the said land??

2.         The Facts on the 9,000 Sq. Miles:

As we search answers to the above questions from the AG,  we wish to re affirm our understanding on the status of the land in issue. In our considered opinion, the  following constitute the UNDENIABLE FACTS about Buganda’s Communal Land popularly referred to as the 9,000 square miles or Mailo Akeenda:

Fact 1: Before 1900 all land in Buganda belonged to the Baganda and was administered by the Kabaka, assisted by the Bataka and the Bakungu, Batongole in accordance with the customs, traditions and practices (customary law) of the Baganda.

Fact 2: In 1897 the British ousted Kabaka Mwanga II, as Kabaka of Buganda because he was resisting their imperialist efforts and installed his infant son Kabaka Daudi Chwa II with three Regents, Apollo Kaggwa, Stansilus Mugwanya and Zakaria Kizito. In 1900 the British Crown, represented by Her Majesty’s Special Commissioner, Sir Henry Hamilton Johnston, coerced the Kingdom of Buganda, represented by the said Regents and some Chiefs, into the 1900 Buganda Agreement.

Fact 3: Under the said Agreement, the British Crown took control of: 1,500 square miles of forests; 9,000 square miles of waste and uncultivated land; and 50 square miles taken up in Kampala, Entebbe, Masaka and elsewhere for Government stations (This land totalling 10,550 square miles came to be known as “Crown Land”). These figures were approximations based on an estimation of Buganda’s land mass, inclusive of Buyaga, Bugangazi and swamps, at 19,600 square miles.

Fact 4: No where in the 1900 Agreement did the British Crown buy or the Kingdom of Buganda sell any land.  Therefore whilst clause 15 of the Agreement spoke of one thousand chiefs and land owners “receiving the estates” i.e. ultimate ownership in perpetuity of the 8,000 square miles (which came to be known as Mailo Land) clauses 15 and 18 of the same agreement only talk about “vesting” or “cession” of “the right to control” over the Crown Land.

Fact 5: In the premises the British Crown took control of the Crown Land NOT as beneficial owner but to hold it in trust for the use and the benefit of the Baganda, born and yet to be born, who had not benefited from grants of private Mailo Estates[1]. This was Buganda’s surviving communal land.

Fact 6: Under the Buganda Agreement of 1961, the freehold of all Crown Land in Buganda actually occupied by the Uganda Government for its own purposes was vested in the Uganda Land Commission to hold on behalf of the Uganda Government for the benefit of all of the people of Uganda[2]. Further the agreement vested the freehold of Crown Land in Buganda occupied by the East African Common Services Organisation, the Uganda Electricity Board, the University College of East Africa (Makerere), the Kampala and District Water Board and the Empire Cotton Growing Association in those respective organisations but only for so long as the land was used for the purposes of those organisations[3].

Fact 7: Other than those two minor exceptions where ownership of Crown Land was actually vested in the Central Government and some parastatal organisations, all Crown Land in Buganda was agreed to be vested in the Buganda Land Board which was enjoined to “hold such land in the name of the Kabaka on behalf of and for the benefit of the people of Buganda[4].  .

Fact 8: Pursuant to Article 19 of the Buganda Agreement 1961, on the 1st March 962, Governor W.F. Coutts assented to the Public Lands Ordinance No. 22 of 1962 under which the freehold of all Crown Lands in Buganda, which had not been demised by way of lease under the Crown Lands Ordinance or which were not occupied by the Government of Uganda for public purposes at that time was vested in the Buganda Land Board[5].  It is important to note that the functions of the Buganda Land Board were expressed in the Ordinance to be “on behalf of the Kabaka and for the benefit of the people of Buganda, to hold and manage any land or estate or interest in land which is vested in it under the provisions of this Ordinance or may after the commencement of this Ordinance be purchased or otherwise acquired by the Kabaka’s Government[6]. In time this was also reflected in the 1962 Constitution wherein land was effectively provided that the Buganda Land Board would be appointed by the Kabaka[7] and hold land for the benefit of the people hold land for the people of the Kingdom of Buganda[8].

Fact 9: It is therefore very clear from Facts 7 and 8 above that at the time of Independence it was recognised that the radical title to all of the former Crown Land in Buganda vested in the Kabaka of Buganda for the benefit of the people of Buganda and that the departing British intended to and actually did return all Crown Land in Buganda to its rightful owners: the Kabaka of Buganda for the benefit of the people of Buganda. The Buganda Land Board was only a holding and management device established for the Kabaka and the people of Buganda.

Fact 10: After the violent abrogation of the Constitution of Uganda 1962 in 1966 the Government of Uganda stole  or expropriated the former Crown Land in Buganda and other land including the 1500 Sq. miles, the 160 Sq. miles Masaaza headquarters and all Buganda’s official estates and vested it in the Uganda Land Commission to purportedly hold for the benefit of the people of Uganda.

Fact 11: The Government of Uganda HAS NEVER returned a single square inch of the former Crown Land, irrespective of its actual size, to the Kabaka of Buganda to hold, whether by himself or through any other organ under his control, for the benefit of the people of Buganda.

Fact 12: The Uganda Land Commission, District Land Boards and any Regional Land Board established under the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda 1995 CANNOT legally hold on to the former Crown Land in Buganda because they do not have the constitutional powers so to do. The Uganda Land Commission is only empowered to “hold or manage any land in Uganda vested in or acquired by the Government of Uganda in accordance with the provisions of the 1995 Constitution[9]”. Clearly the former Crown Land in Buganda was not acquired by or vested in the Government of Uganda in accordance with the provisions of the 1995 Constitution.  It was acquired by force of arms in 1966! District Land Boards are only empowered to “hold and allocate land in the district which is not owned by any person or authority[10]”. But as clearly shown in Facts 5, 7, 8, 9 and 10 above the former Crown Land in Buganda has an owner – the Kabaka of Buganda for the benefit of the people of Buganda.  So even though it was violently expropriated by the Government of Uganda in 1966, it cannot be said to have had no owner in 1995 because the institution of the Kabaka of Buganda and the people of Buganda existed in 1995 and still exist today! Lastly, a regional land board if ever established in respect of Buganda, will only have the power to co-ordinate and monitor land use as well as plan land use in Buganda[11].  Clearly this cannot be stretched to include holding or managing of land.

Fact 13: Whilst the Uganda Land Commission, District Land Boards and regional land boards lack constitutional power to hold on to the former Crown Land in Buganda, the institution of the Kabaka of Buganda is constitutionally recognised as a corporation sole with the capacity to “hold assets and properties in trust for itself and the people of Buganda[12]”. In fact the institution of the Kabaka of Buganda, which is the personification of the culture, customs, traditions, wishes and aspirations of the Baganda, is the only institution constitutionally empowered to hold property in trust for the people of Buganda.  District Land Boards and any regional land board established under Article 178 of the Constitution are merely devolved organs of the Central Government and therefore cannot be said to represent or embody the culture, norms and aspirations of the people of Buganda.

Before turning to the controversial issue of the actual size and location of the former Crown Land in Buganda, it is fair to say that the 13 facts stated above can be succinctly summarised in the chorus of the popular Kiganda song: “Ettaka lya Buganda lya dda! Ettaka lirikko nnanyini lyo!” (Buganda’s land is ancient and it is owned by the Baganda).  No amount of sophistry and dissembling will ever get us way from that simple fact.

The actual size and location of the 9,000 sq. miles of land.

Regarding the size of the former Crown Land in Buganda it is accepted that the figure of 9,000 square miles was based on Sir Henry Hamilton Johnston’s estimation of Buganda consisting of 19,600 square miles. It is also correct that a survey conducted between 1913 and 1936 placed the total area of the Kingdom of Buganda at 16,138 square miles excluding swamps and open water, with swamps taking 1,714 square miles and open water 8,250 square miles. However, that is where the consensus on this matter ends.

According to the Attorney General, after the survey of 1913 to 1936, there was only 5,949 square miles of unalienated Crown Land in Buganda, including Buyaga and Bugangazi.  He stated, without giving any sources, that as of December 1962, a further 360 square miles had been alienated to non-Africans leaving 5,949 square miles inclusive of Buyaga and Bugangaizi and that when Buyaga and Bugangaizi were restored to the Kingdom of Bunyoro the size was reduced to 5,282 square miles (meaning that there were 667 square miles of former Crown Land in Buyaga and Bugangaizi).  With much confidence, the Attorney General further asserted that the 5,282 square miles were reduced by 644 square miles upon the establishment of the Masaka, Ssingo and Buruli Ranching Schemes and ominously concluded with a statement that “Since 1962 various controlling Authorities have alienated this land to individuals and companies in form of leaseholds and freeholds.” In short the Attorney General was pleased to say that there may be nothing left of the original 9,000 square miles.

However the Attorney General’s statement was either under researched, intended to confuse and disappoint the Baganda or both. In light of the fact that all of the documentary evidence regarding this land is with the Government, the Attorney General should look into the following issues and come back with a concrete and believable explanation:

(i)                 The Attorney General talks of the former Crown Land being reduced by “alienation”.  However he does not make it clear by whom or to whom this land was alienated and on what basis. Alienation by way of leases cannot be taken to mean that the land has been permanently lost to its owners the, the Kabaka of Buganda on trust or for the benefit of the people of Buganda. We need to know, with precise figures, to whom and by whom the various chunks of land were alienated and on what basis.


(ii) According to the authors of a book entitled A History of Uganda Land and Surveys the settlement survey of 1913 to 1936 ascertained that the former Crown Land in Buganda actually comprised of 8,307 square miles inclusive of Buyaga and Bugangaizi, and was reduced to 6,804 square miles with the return of the said counties to the Kingdom of Bunyoro[13].  These  figures are rendered suspect because they suggest that there were 1,503 square miles of former Crown Land in Buyaga and Bugangaizi, yet according to the Uganda Land Commission the actual land mass of Buyaga and Bugangaizi is about 1,631.8 square miles of which 964.8 square miles is private Mailo Land, leaving 667 square miles of former Crown Land[14].  But be that as it may, if you make an adjustment for the clearly wrong Buyaga and Bugangaizi figures, you would be left with 6,137 square miles of former Crown Land in Buganda.  However, the task of settling the correct figures is made more complicated by the fact that in 1970, the Electoral Commission (comprising of Ateker Ejalu – Chairman, Bidandi Ssali, Eric Kyoya and Akena p’Ojok with the assistance of I.K. Kabanda – Government Statistician, G.W. Bakibinga – Commissioner Lands and Surveys and Jjagwe – Land Office Entebbe) issued detailed maps and tables stating Buganda’s land mass, excluding Buyaga and Bugangaizi to be 50,075 square kilometres or 19,334.065 square miles. So in 1970, at a time when the Central Government was openly hostile to Buganda and had every reason to underplay its land mass, a key Government organ was suggesting that Buganda’s size was actually bigger than the figures given in the settlement survey of 1913 to 1936 and we must assume that surveying and mapping technology had improved between 1936 and 1970. We need to know the precise land mass of Buganda using modern and the most up-to-date surveying and mapping technology.  From this mass we should subtract the definite area of land held under private, Kabakaship and Official. Mailo to get the true area of the former Crown Land, which constitutes the communal land of the Baganda.  Until such time all figures are and will always be suspect and the Baganda will be justified in sticking with use of the upper estimate of 9,000 square miles as a description of their expropriated communal land.

(iii) There must be records indicating the specific land, in terms of location and area, that was transferred from the British Crown to the Buganda Land Board in 1962.  Further there must also be records indicating the specific land, in terms of location and area, that was expropriated by the Government of Uganda in 1966 and vested in the Uganda Land Commission.  Furthermore, there must be records indicating the specific land, in terms of location and area, that has been devolved by the Uganda Land Commission to various District Land Board’s across Buganda.  Lastly, there must be records showing the all dealings in land in Buganda by the Uganda Land Commission and the various District Land Boards.  All of these records are in the hands of the Government of Uganda.  The Government of Uganda should give a full account of the dealing in the former Crown Land in Buganda.  We must be shown the documents that show the location and the size of the land that was vested in the Buganda Land Board in 1962.  We must be shown the documents that show the location and size of the land that was grabbed by the Uganda Land Commission from the Buganda Land Board in 1966.  We must have a full blow-by-blow account of all of the dealings that have taken place on that land since it was taken over by the Uganda land Commission in 1966, up to and including all dealings after the land management was devolved to District Land Boards.

So whilst there is no dispute about the fact that the original label of 9,000 square miles of Mailo Akeenda was based on an estimate, there is no reliable figure for the actual size of the former Crown Land in Buganda, which comprises the communal land of the Baganda.  Different figures have been given at different times by the Government, which stands to gain from its own wrongful violent expropriation of this land.  It must also be stated, that even if it is found to have been 1 square inch in 1900 – that square inch belongs to the Kabaka in trust for the people of Buganda.  Ettaka lirikko nnanyini lyo! It will certainly be no defence to the Government to say that it has given away or alienated the land since violently expropriating it in 1966 in the same way as the alienation of the properties expropriated from the Asians by the Government in 1972 did not defeat the ownership of the same by the Asians.

Special Appeal to the Peoples of Uganda : At this juncture it is necessary to make a special appeal to the Peoples of the indigenous communities that live in and make up this country called Uganda.  In seeking to reclaim what is rightfully theirs, the Baganda are not seeking some kind of special status or hegemony over the other Peoples of Uganda.  The Baganda like all the other Peoples of Uganda cherish and value their land.  The land that we are talking about was and still is the communal land of the Baganda.  It was the land which was to be used for the benefit of the people of Buganda, born and yet to be born.  Where they were not in actual physical occupation or user of it, the fruits from it were supposed to benefit the Baganda.  All the Peoples of Uganda have land which in one way or another they can call their own.  However, if the Government has its way with Buganda’s communal land, all the Peoples of Uganda MUST STAND WARNED!

The Government’s claims that Baganda’s communal land can be given away on a freehold basis to all and sundry for a measly Ug. Shs. 22,000/= and that this applies to all communal land held on customary tenure in the rest of Uganda.  Today it looks as if the Government is only targeting Buganda’s land.  But if it has its way then no communal land held under customary tenure will be safe.  People will come “claiming an interest” in that communal land and under the new section 32B of the Land Act, if the (Land Amendment) Bill is passed they will be impossible to evict.  Then those very people will go to the District Land Boards or the Uganda Land Commission with Ug. Shs. 22,000/= and get freehold certificates of title to that land.  Then having obtained the freehold title to the communal land for free, they will quickly sell it to big investors from outside for peanuts. Nobody will be able to complain or if they complain they will not be entitled to any help because the Government will simply point to the precedent of Buganda!!

This is nothing short of NATIONALISATION OF COMMUNAL LAND BY THE BACK DOOR or LAND GRABBING.  Today it is the Baganda because that is the community that is easy to hate and because their land was already expropriated.  But if Government succeeds, tomorrow it will be land of other Ugandans.

3.         Conclusion:

We strongly disagree with the statement and the account of the Attorney General on Buganda’s communal land. We demand that the government answers the several questions we raise herein we invite the Lukiiko to resolve that;

(i)                 All land that was confiscated by the Government of Uganda should be returned to the Kingdom of Buganda through Ssaabasajja Kabaka of Buganda pursuant to Art. 246 of the Constitution in trust for all the people of Buganda. Buganda should not be intimidated out of, or silenced on its rights. The suggestion that Buganda can only get back its land if it accepts the Regional Government amounts to nothing but BLACK MAIL and should be rejected. Buganda tejja kuva kunsoga eno kubanga by’ebanja byayo bya bwebange ebyanyagibwa ku muddumu gwe mundu – nga buli omu bwakimanyi.

(ii)                Buganda recognises cultural diversity within the Kingdom and accepts that  people of other ethnic groups can own and use land in Buganda, this should however be based on lawful and agreeable terms to the people of Buganda. communal land in Buganda is for people of Buganda and not necessarily for all the people of Uganda just like communal land in Acholi, Lango, Teso, Karamoja and Ankole is land for the people in those place. If the Balaalo can not buy or stay on the Bagungu’s communal  land in Bullisa, why should they be resettled on Buganda’s communal land? And why should Buganda be expected to be quiet or accused of inciting genocide?

Accordingly, it is our view that any acquisitions and resettlements made in Buganda based on forceful and illegal means should be challenged. In this regard, we have a duty and  must warn all those who have dubiously acquired or about to acquire Buganda’s communal land that was illegally confiscated that their title is VOIDABLE and that the people of Buganda have a legal and legitimate claim over that land now and for as long as that land wrongly remains in the hands of the state. CAVEAT EMPTOR. Kimanyiddwa bulungi nti Buganda okuva edda nedda tesosola mu bantu ba Ssaabasajja wabula tejja kukkiriza abantu okuva Ebule n’e bweya okutwala obutwazi ettaka lyayo awatali ntegereganna yonna.

(iii) To reject the account and legal interpretation given by the Government of Uganda on  the status of Buganda’s communal land and to demand that the Government of Uganda should account to the people of Buganda for all land that it has alienated to private companies and individuals. Twagala okumanya baani abagabanye ettaka era abafunye epyapa ku ttaka lya bantu ba Buganda erya Mailo akeenda era bali funa mu mitendera ki?

(iv)              To demand that the law be amended to provide for public land that was taken away by the 1995 Constitution without the consent of the people of Buganda or compensation to them.







Apollo N. Makubuya




[1] See paragraph 220(1) Report of the Uganda Relationships Commission, 1961 at page 80.

[2] Article 19(1) of the Buganda Agreement 1961

[3] Article 19(2) of the Buganda Agreement 1961

[4] Article 19(3) of the Buganda Agreement 1961

[5] Section 12(a) Public Lands Ordinance No. 22 of 1962.

[6] Section 9(2) of the Public Lands Ordinance No. 22 of 1962

[7] Article 113(3)(a) of the Constitution of Uganda 1962

[8] Article 113(7) of the Constitution of Uganda 1962.

[9] Article 239 of the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda 1995.

[10] Article 241(1)(a) of the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda 1995 and section 56(1)(a) of the Land Act cap. 227.

[11] Article 178 and paragraph 10(1)(a) &(b) of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda 1995.

[12] Article 246(3)(a) of the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda 1995.

[13] Thomas and Spencer, A History of Uganda Land and Surveys p. 32 and 63.

[14] General Information on Registered Mailo Land In Kibaale District – the Uganda Land Commission, Department of Land Registration Western Region, Ref: LR. 30,  April 1998.


Yes indeed, I refer to the opium of the dispossessed.  It is good that you put that opium in figures: 9,000 sq miles, that you always claim was stolen by government.  So, about 8,000 sq miles given to 1,000 notables with the massive displacement of many bataka was no theft!
So, to more-or-less sing “sirikawo baby” to the Bakopi Bazukulu who had to unearth the bones of their dear ones to give way to the new lords, Mmengo pushes a pacifier into the mouths of the expropriated.  The pacifier, the dummy is the Akenda: the government has it!
1.  The 9,000 sq miles alloted to government for public use was on the assumption that Buganda had land to the tune of 19,600 sq miles.  Buganda was surveyed and found to be 16,138 sq miles (9.689 in Mmengo; 3,781 in Masaka and 2,668 in Mubende).  The 1900 agreement stated that, any shortfall upon survey of Buganda would be deducted from the public 9,000 sq miles.  Therefore, right from go, that land was actually 5,538 Sq miles.  Any talk of 9,000 sq miles is, to use your word, idiotic.
2. As you know, 667 sq miles of the 5,538 sq miles (NOT 9,000) was in Buyaga and Bugangaizi.  The 1964 referendum returned that land to Bunyoro control.    It is, to use your word, idiotic for any body to hope that land was stolen by government from Buganda.  Completely idiotic.  Do we want to reverse the results of the referendum?  Anyhow, what was left then was 4,871 sq miles.
3.  Of the 4,871 sq miles, 644 sq miles went into the Buruli, Masaka, Singo ranching Scheme leaving 4,227 Square miles.
4.  That land remains under the control of the public political authority which, up to 1962 was the colonial government, hence the reference to Crown Land.  In 1962, the public political authority in Buganda was the federal state of Buganda, so it controlled that land.  In 1966 Uganda ceased to be semi-federal so all public land was reverted to central authorities.  How does a change in constitution amount to theft of 9,000 sq miles of land, which in fact did not even exist in the first place?  If you want Buganda to control the land, why don’t you secede and become an independnet state or launch a campaign for reinstating your federal status?
Anyhow, isn’t it idiotic to insistently refer to 9,000 sq miles when what existed in the first place was 5,538 sq miles?  Isn’t it even more idiotic to refer to the same 9,000 when what is actually at stake is 4,227 sq miles?

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick

Ekiwandiiko The Common Man’s Charter


Ekiwandiiko The Common Man’s Charter

Akatabo ka The Common Man’s Charter, mu Luganda aba UPC kyebavvuunula nti Okununulibwa kw’omuntu owabulijjo, mu bufuunze kaali kefanaanyirizaako bwe kati:

Kaalimu obuwendo oba ebitundu ebyawuliddwamu 44 nga bikubiddwa ku mpapula 18. Ku lupapula olusooka munda, kwaliko ekifaananyi ky’Obote n’ennyanjula gyeyali awandiise ng’omukulembeze w’ekibiina. Ku lupapula olwokubiri, kwaliko enkola y’ekibiina kya UPC. Olwokuba nti ekibiina kino kye kyali mu buyinza, enkola eno yali eraga nga bwe kyali kyezizza enkiiko za disitulikiti, ez’ebibuga era n’enkolagana eyaliwo wakati w’ensi za East Africa. Wano nno mbu kye kyava kisalawo okuwagira Charter mbu olwo ebyagendererwa mu kwefuga biryoke bissibwe mu nkola nga tugoberera enkola eya Nnaakalyako-ani (Socialism).

Akawendo akokubiri, ku lupapula lwe lumu, Obote yannyonnyola nga UPC bwe kyali kigenda okumalawo okutya kwonna n’oluvannyuma wabeerewo obwenkanya, okwenkanankana, eddembe n’okwesiima eri abaana ba Uganda ab’omu mirembe egiribeerawo nga bayita mu kutambulira ku kkono.

Akawendo akokusatu, Obote yategeeza nga bwe bakkiririza mu nfuga eya Republic (awatali bwakabaka)  era nga kino kyekyali ekinyusi mu kusalawo okutandika okutambulira ku kkono basobole okuziyiza omuntu yenna oba akabiina konna okusajjalaatira ku bantu abalala n’okubafuga bonna oba ekitundu ekimu ekya Uganda, nga bwe gwali mu mirembe ng’Obwakabaka bukyaliwo. Bo aba UPC baali baagala abantu ba Uganda be baba beramulira ebintu byabwe ebibakwatako!

Akawendo akokuna, Obote yategeeza nga ye n’ekibiina kye bwe besammulira ddala mu birowoozo ne mu bikolwa, Uganda oba ekintundu kyayo ekimu okubeera ettwale ly’omuntu omu; okusikira ebifo olw’obuzaale bw’omuntu nga bwe kiri mu b’olulyo olulangira; obwabifekeera oba obunyunyuunsi nabyo nga muziro! Abagwira okujja mu Uganda ne babeera n’ebintu byabwe ebikusike oba okugezaako okuwugula abantu b’ensi eno, ogwo nagwo nga muziro. Ebintu ebikolebwa okuvaamu amagoba agagenda okugasa abantu abatono nga nakyo muziro.

Akawendo akokutaano, Obote yategeeza nga UPC bwetakkiririza mu kitundu ekimu ekya Uganda okwesalako okuva ku Uganda oba yadde Uganda okweyawula ku nsi eziri mu mukago gw’obuvanyubwa bw’Africa (East African Community) okutwalira awamu.

Akawendo akomukaaga kaali kagamba nga bbo aba UPC okuviira ddala ku ntandikwa bwe baali bakkiririza mu buyinza bw’abantu (empowerment of the masses) era nga balagirwa nti buli kintu kyonna ekikolebwa mu Uganda kiba kirina kukolebwa ku lwa bulungi bw’abantu bonna era n’olw’ensonga eyo kye bava bakakasa bino wammanga:

i) Okuzimba Uganda ng’ensi emu erimu abantu bamu, olukiiko lumu ne gavumenti emu nga ya Republic;

ii) Okutaasa obwetwaze bwa Uganda n’okukuuma eddembe n’obutebenkevu wamu n’Entegeka y’obufuzi eya 1967;

iii) Okutereeza ekibiina kya UPC abantu bannansi basobole okubaako kye bakola ku ebyo ebikwata ku nsi yabooffe;

iv) Okulwanira ddala obutassa ngabo mu kugoba Obwavu, Obutamanya, Endwadde (Poverty, Ignorance and Disease) wamu n’obufuzi bw’amatwale obw’obumbula obutakubwa ku mukono n’okusosola okwa langi;

v) Okukulaakulanya eby’enfuna ya Uganda nga gavumenti yeyamba amakampuni gaayo, ebibiina eby’obwegassi, amakampuni g’abantu ge betandikira ku bwabwe, amakolero, abasuubuzi n’abalimi;

vi) Okutaasa buli muntu ali mu Uganda kasita abeeramu mu mateeka, awatali kusosola mu langi, eddiini oba olulyo lwe; asobole okweyagalira mu Uganda;

vii) Okukakasiza ddala nga tewaba muntu yenna munnayuganda aweebwa buyinza obukusike, oba embeera, oba ekitiibwa okusinziira ku buzaale bwe oba olulyo lwe mw’asibuka;

viii) Okulabira ddala nga mpaawo muntu ayinza kwekiika mu maaso g’emigaso gy’eggwanga, oba eddembe ly’omulala;

ix) Okuwagira ebibiina oba amawanga ebirina ebigenderwa oba ebiruubirirwa ebifaanana n’ebya UPC;

x) Okukolanga ebintu ebirala ebiringa ebyo UPC bye kigenderera okukola.

Akawendo akomusanvu kakkaatiriza nga Uganda bwe yamala edda okufuuka Republic okuva ku nfuga eya Federo era n’ey’ensikirano ey’obwakabaka. Obote yaggumiza ng’okulwanirira n’okukuuma obwetwaze bwe bitaali byakukoma, era ng’olutalo luno lwatandika nga 09/10/62. Yagamba nti olunaku olwo kyali kikyamu okulufuula kkome-kkome ng’ekkubo ly’e Bubebbere (end of the road) abantu webagabanira ebintu okusinziira ku ndowooza zaabwe.

Akawendo akomunaana kaali kanyweza ebigendererwa bya UPC okwewala enkola n’endowooza ey’obufuzi bw’amatwale n’okulekera awo okulowoolereza mu mawanga, okusuula ebbala endowooza y’okubeera n’ebintu ebikusike ebitakwatibwako.

Akawendo akomwenda, Obote yasojjasojja abafuzi ab’ensikirano mu lugezigezi bwe yagamba nti yali talaba nsonga yali ebobbesa bantu mitwe ng’ebiseera eby’okwefuga bisembera. Yagamba nti ebintu ebyayogerwangako ennyo nga bino:

a) Uganda bw’erimala okwefuga, tulifuna gavumenti ya ngeri ki?

b) Ani alibeera omutwe gw’eggwanga nga tumaze okwefuga?

Obote yagamba nti ebintu ebyo byazimbulukusibwa nnyo ne bituuka okulabika ng’ebikulu ennyo eri eggwanga. Wano Obote weyagambira nti amagezi ag’okuvvuunuka ebizibu ebyo bwe gaazuuka si ge gaali ag’okulongoosa embera y’omuntu owa bulijjo; naye olw’okuba ng’abo abaali abanyuunyuunsi (abafuzi ab’ensikirano) baali ng’abantu babalina mu ngalo, baalaba ng’okwefuga kyali kijja kuba kya kabi eri ebifo byabwe ebikusike. Awo nno mbu abafuzi bano kwe kusala amagezi ebifo byabwe babifuulire ddala eby’omugaso eri omuntu owa bulijjo, kwe kugamba nti ng’okwogera ku bifo byabwe ebyo nga kitegeeza kugendana n’omutindo gw’omuntu owa bulijjo. Obote mu kawendo kano yagamba nga bwe wataali kubuusabuusa nti ebifo by’abanyuunyuunsi bano byali bitangira omuntu owa bulijjo okwenyigira mu by’obufuzi bwa Uganda eyali yeefuga nga 09/10/62 kubanga abanyuunyuunsi (bakabaka) baayagala okwongera okufuga nga bwe baakolanga edda ng’Omungereza tannajja, ne bataagala omuntu owabulijjo okubaako ky’agamba mu kutereeza embeera ya Uganda eyeefuga. Kyokka kati embeera eyo mbu yali eggyiddwawo era ng’omuntu owabulijjo wa ddembe okwesalirawo ku mbeera ye n’atabeera muddu wa muntu munne. Abantu kati baddembe okwogera kaati kyonna ekibaluma kasita bakikola nga bayita mu mateeka g’ensi agatakolebwa mu nkiiko njawufu, wabula mu lukiiko olumu; National Assembly, abantu mwe balina eddoboozi erimu nga bayita mu babaka baabwe.

Akawendo akekkumi, Obote yagamba nga okufuulibwa kwa Uganda okuba Repabulika bwe kyali kigisembezza okumpi ne ggoolo ey’okwefuga okujjuvu era n’okwetakkuluza ku Bamwanawaani okuva mu 1966. Abantu abo bwe baali nga bakyali mu by’obufuzi n’eby’enfuna bya Uganda, kyali kizibu obutabafaako. Kisaana kimanyibwe nti abantu abalina enkola eya mwanawaani mu by’obufuzi n’eby’enfuna tebalema kusigala mabega mu bintu ebikwata ku nsi yaabwe n’ensi z’ebweru. Kati nno nga tumaze okuggyawo enkola eya mwanawaani mu by’obufuzi n’eby’enfuna tuteekwa okukola ebintu bibiri:

1. Okukkiriza ebifo ebyalimu bamwanawaani ab’edda okuddamu bamwanawaani abapya;

2. Okwewala okuleetawo bamwanawaani abapya abalina endowooza ya mwanawaani.

Akawendo akekkumi n’akamu; Obote yagamba nti okugoberera enkola ya Nnaakalyako ani kwe kutandikawo endowooza y’eby’obufuzi empya n’embeera empya etegeeza nti bannayuganda bonna awamu, ebintu ebikwata ku by’obulungi bwabwe ne ku ddoboozi lyabwe mu gavumenti y’eggwanga lyabwe ne ku bukiiko obulala obw’ebitundu nga byonna babitwala nga bikulu ddala. Enkola ya Nnaakalyako Ani ewakanya enkola eya Mwanawaani.

Akawendo akekkumi n’obubiri; Obote yajjukiza nga mu 1968 ekibiina kya UPC bwe kyayima mu lukiiko lwabwe ne kiyisa ekiteeso ekiggyawo enkola ezimba eggwanga erimu n’enkola ya Mwanawaani okusobola okussaawo enkola eya Repabulika. UPC kyasiima nnyo abakulembeze ba gavumenti olw’okutandikawo enkola empya eyali egenda okukyusa ku by’enfuna n’okuleetawo obwenkanya mu by’obufuzi n’embeera z’abantu ababulijjo. Ekibiina kya UPC kyasalawo abantu n’ebintu bissibwe ku mulimu gw’okuzimba eggwanga era ne kiragira olukiiko lwakyo olwa ttabamiruka (National Council) okwetegereza amakubo n’amagezi ag’okussa ebibiina byonna ebya gavumenti n’ebitali bya gavumenti okukolera awamu ne UPC mu kuzimba eggwanga.

Akawendo akekkumi n’obusatu; Obote yagamba nti baali bakimanyi bulungi nga bwe waaliwo abantu bangi abaali tebamanyi bulungi oba abaali bawubisibwawubisibwa ku mulimu gw’okuzimba eggwanga n’okutegeera obukulu bwagwo. Wano kwe kugamba nti kyali kibakakatako bbo ng’ekibiina okubuulirira abo abaali balimbibwalimbibwa n’okubatangaaza nga bwe kyali kisaanidde ebibiina byonna okukolera awamu n’abantu bonna mu kuweereza eggwanga.

Akawendo akekkumi n’obuna; Obote yagamba nti UPC bwe kiba ne kyekiteekateeka okukola olw’obulungi bw’abantu, kiba kitegeeza Abantu bamu, mu nsi emu, abalina gavumenti emu. Yagamba nti mu myaka omusanvu gye baali bamaze mu kwefuga UPC kyali kifubye nnyo okunnyonnyola nti omuntu okuba ow’ekika gundi, oba akawanga gundi, oba okwogera olulimi gundi, oba okusoma eddiini gundi, tekirina kye kimwongerako. Naye okuba munnayuganda kyo kirina kye kyongerera ddala ku muntu kubanga kimufunyisa byonna byateekwa okufuna n’asobola okukolera ab’ekika kye, akawanga ke, eddiini ye, ekitundu kye by’ateekwa okubakolera kasita biba nga tebiziyizibwa mateeka agayisibwa mu lukiiko lw’eggwanga.

Akawendo akekkumi n’obutaano; Obote yagamba nti mu myaka omusaavu bukya bannayuganda bafuna bwetwaze, UPC yali erabye nga bannayuganda bakwasi b’amateeka era abantu abaagala ennyo abantu b’omu maka gaabwe n’emiriraano ne Uganda yonna awamu okubaamu eddembe. Yayongera n’agamba nti bannayuganda era baali bategeera bulungi nga bwe kyali kisaanidde okugaziya eby’enfuna n’okusitula omulembe ogw’omuntu owabulijjo. Baali beegomba nnyo okusitula embeera z’obulamu bwabwe nga beetabira mu bibiina bya gavumenti era nga babirinamu eddoboozi erimala. Kyokka UPC yali erabyewo akabi akaali mu kirungi ekyo; ab’amawanga ag’ebweru okutulondera abakulembeze n’okweyingiza mu by’obufuzi bwa Uganda ng’ekigendererwa kwe kufunyisa amawanga gaabwe ebirungi kyokka nga beeyambisa bannayuganda okutuuka ku bye baagala. Tekyali mu nkola ya Uganda okugumiikiriza empisa ey’okwonoona ebirowoozo by’abantu n’okubaterebula mu byetaago byabwe.

Akawendo akekkumi nomukaaga; Obote yagamba nti UPC kati kyali kiraba ng’ekimu ku bintu Uganda bye yali eyolekedde okulowoozaako nga bye biseera by’abavubuka eby’omu maaso. Kino okusobola okukifumiitiriza obulungi, omuntu yali asaana okutunuulira omuwendo gw’abavubuka abali mu Yunivasite, amasomero ga ssekendule, aga pulayimale ne mu matendekero agatali gamu kyokka okwo ng’abaana abatudde obutuuzi eka tobagasseeko. Mukutunuulira emiwendo gy’abaana abo omuntu yali asobola okumanya ng’abo be bannayuganda abateekebwateekebwa okwetikka obuvunaanyizibwa obw’okwongera okunyweza obwetwaze bwaffe n’okuggula amakubo amalala agalituusa bannayuganda ku kwefuga kwennyini mu by’enfuna n’embeera z’abantu.

Akawendo akekkumi nomusaanvu; Obote yagamba nti singa abavubuka batendekebwa kukolera mu gavumenti za buwanga bwabwe zokka (wano yali akoona Bwakabaka – Omuwandiisi) e mu nkiiko zaabwe mu mpisa zaabwe; ng’ebintu ebyo byeyambisibwa okwesalaasalamu obutundu n’ebibiina; olwo UPC yandibadde terina ky’eyambye ku mulimu gw’okukyusa Africa era n’abavubuka abo bandibadde tebaweereddwa ekyo ekibagwanira okutunuulira Uganda yonna mu kifo ky’okulowoolereza mu katundu akamu kokka. Uganda yali teyinza kukolera bavubuka baayo ttima lyenkana awo.

Akawendo akekkumi nomunaana; Obote yagamba nti UPC teyalina kulowooza ku bavubuka bokka, naye n’abakulu nabo baali ba muwendo ng’abavubuka. Yagamba nti abakadde n’abajenjebu nabo baali batekwa okulowoozebwako kubanga obuwanga (tribe) bwabwe bwokka ku bwabwo bwali tebukyasobola kubawa byetaago byabwe eby’omulembe guno oba n’okukuuma obulamu bwabwe n’ebintu byabwe oba okubayisa ng’abantu mu nsi yaabwe eyeefuga.

Akawendo akekkumi nomwenda; Obote yagamba nti akiddamu lunye nti olutalo lw’okwefuga terwalwanibwa kawanga kamu era terwali lwa bantu ba ddiini emu. Yagamba nti abafuzi Abangereza baawulira enduulu nga ziva mu nsonda za Uganda zonna. Olutalo terwalwanibwa okuzza ebitundu bya Uganda ebimu mu nnyombo z’obuwanga ez’edda (kirabika wano yali akoona Buganda ku masaza g’e Buyaga ne Bugangaizi – Omuwandiisi) ne mu butatabagana era n’entalo, wabula lwalwanibwa okuleetawo embeera empya abantu ba Uganda bonna mwe bali obumu, mu nsi emu era n’okweddiza ekitiibwa kyabwe bayisibwenga ng’abantu.

Akawendo akaabiri; Obote yagamba nti kyali kimanyiddwa bulungi nti Uganda yali nsi ekyakul era nti mu kukkiriza entegeka ey’enkola ya Nnaakalyako Ani UPC yali esoose kwetegereza nnyo ebintu nga bwe byali mu kiseera ekyo. Yagamba nti emyaka enkaaga mu omwenda (1894 – 1962) egy’enfuga y’abazungu bannayuganda gye baamala nga bayigirizibwa okumanya era n’okunywereza ddala enkola y’ekingereza gyali giviiriddemu abantu baffe okukulira mu ndowooza eyo era nga n’ebikolebwa bikolebwa mu ngeri eyo. Ebintu ebyaleetebwa Abangereza mu bbanga ery’obukuumi bwa Bungereza (British Protectorate), bannayuganda baabitwala nga byebisingira ddala obulungi mu kukulaakulanya eby’obugagga bwaffe ne mu nkolagana n’abantu. Bwe kityo ne kibeera nti mu bufuge ne mu kwefuga abantu baasigala mu mbeera y’obulamu eyaleetebwa abagwira. (Bannange kambuuze, olwo lwaki Obote yali takkiriza Buganda okwetakkuluza ku nfuga ey’ekipooli eyaleetebwa Abangereza? – Muwandiisi)

Akawendo akaabiri mu akamu; Obote yagamba nti UPC yali teyinza kukkiriza mawanga abiri okukulaakulanira mu Uganda; kwe kugamba erimu nga ggagga, liyigirize, ly’Afrika mu ndabika naye nga mu ndowooza ggwira (wano yali ategeeza Baganda – Omuwandiisi); ate eddala nga lye lirimu n’abantu abasingira ddala obungi kyokka lyo nga lyavu era n’okusoma nga terisomyeko. Yagamba nti bo aba UPC baali tebalowooza nti byonna eby’obuwangwa bwaffe obw’eky’Afrika kati bikkirizibwa ng’ebigoberera enkola ya Nnaakalyako Ani (wano yali ku bwakabaka n’empisa z’Abaganda); gamba UPC tekkiriza nti abakulembeze b’obuwanga bandibadde n’ebbeetu okukozesa abantu b’obuwanga obwo byonna bye baagala olw’obulungi bwabwe bo ng’abakulembeze. Obote yayongera okugamba nti mu ngeri y’emu baali tebakkiriza ng’enkola eya Mwanawaani (obwami n’obulangira – omuwandiisi) newandibadde nga enkola eno yali ebadde mu Uganda n’emu Afrika okumala emyaka mingi nnyo yali esaana esigale bwetyo. (Wano Obote yeerabira nti buli ggwanga n’ebyalyo. Ova otya e Lango gye basuusuuta akalo n’ojja e Buganda okubagamba nga amatooke bwe gataliimu? – omuwandiisi). Obote wano kwe kugamba nti Uganda yalina okulondawo ekimu ku bibiri: okusigala ku nkola eyasangibwawo ng’abafuzi b’amatwale bazze era netuyigirizibwa okugoberera eby’abagwira ebitalina musingi gutegeerekeka; oba okugoberera entegeka eya Nnaakalyako Ani egendera ku bintu nga bwe biri mu nsi yaffe. Bbo nga UPC baali basazeewo okugoberera enkola eya Nnaakalyako Ani.

Akawendo akaabiri mu obubiri; Obote yagamba nti bbo aba UPC baali tebakkiriza ekigambo ky’okubaawo akabinja akasoolooba ku balala era n’akabinja ako okukozesa obuyinza bwa Mwanawaani. Obote ne banne era baali bakkiriza nti okuva okuva mu byafaayo byaffe, si ntegeka ya bya njigiriza yaffe yokka ye yagoberera omusingi ogwaliwo nga tetunneefuga naye n’eby’obusuubuzi, n’amakolero n’abantu bennyini abaali mu gavumenti oba ebweru waayo; byonna byagenda biteekawo enjawulo wakati w’abaggagga n’abantu abalala abasinga obungi. Enkola ya Nnaakalyako Ani ye yokka eyali egenda okumalawo enjawulo eyo.

Akawendo akaabiri mu obusatu; Obote yagamba nti baali balabawo engeri bbiri eziyinza okuyamba n’okukuza ekitundu ky’abantu abamu ne baba n’enkizo ku balala:

1. Entegeka y’eby’enjigiriza egenderera okuteekawo abantu abalowooza nti olw’obuyigirize bwabwe bo be bafuga abo abatali bayigirize era n’okubalowoozaako ng’abaweereza baabwe.

2. Abayigirize, ate nga be batono, be basinga okuba n’emikisa egy’okufuna emirimu egy’okwekozesa bokka mu by’obusuubuzi n’eby’amakolero era n’okuweebwa emirimu mu gavumenti n’awalala. Kyokka abantu bano mu kifo ky’okukola kyonna ekisoboka okuyamba abo abataayigirizibwa okusobola okubenkana, badda mu kuyamba ba ηηaanda zaabwe. Enkola eno eviiramu ddala obuteesigwa mu by’emirimu era n’okukozesa obubi obuvunaanyizibwa.

Akawendo akaabiri mu obuna; Obote yagamba nti munnayuganda owabulijjo okukula kw’ensi yali akulowooleza mu kweyongera kufuna nsimbi mu nsawo ye. Ssente ezo ayinza okuba nga yali aziggya mu bibye bye yeekolera oba mu kukozesebwa. Wabula omuntu owabulijjo ky’asinga okulowoozaako ng’ekikulu ye gavumenti okumuteerawo ebintu eby’obwereere ensimbi ze zireme okugenda kw’ebyo bye yeetaga mu bulamu bwe naye zidde mu nsawo ye asobole okwekolera ebibye by’ayagala. Akabi akali mu kino kali nti omuntu oyo yeerabira nti mu kukulaakulanya ensi, gavumenti eba erina ebintu ebirala bisatu by’eteekwa okufaako era nga bye bino:

  1. Okugabanya mu by’enfuna y’eggwanga;
  2. Engeri y’ebintu omuva eby’obugagga;
  3. Okussaawo ebifo ebiyinza okwongera okukuza ensi nga bigoberera enkola eya Nnaakalyako Ani.

Akawendo akaabiri mu obutaano; Obote yajjukiza abantu nga bwe kyali kyeraga olwatu nti ensi okukula, enfuna ya buli muntu ng’obadde ogabanyiriza wamu eby’obugagga byona, eteekwa okuba nga yeeyongeddeko. Kino kisoboka kubaawo ng’eby’enfuna byeyongera nnyo okusinga abantu be nnyini nga bwe beeyongera, n’olw’ekyo gavumenti erina okussa ennyo essira ku kusitula eby’obugagga n’eby’enfuna.

Akawendo akaabiri mu omukaaga; Obote yagamba nti waaliwo akabi akalala akaali mu bitundu ebimu eby’eggwanga okusinga ku binne waabyo mu by’obugagga. Yagamba nti tewaaliwo mu ntegeka ya Uganda ekakasa nti: Eby’obugagga bigabanyizibwa kyenkanyi mu bantu ne mu bitundu byonna ebya Uganda. Singa omuntu yali atunuulidde engeri eby’enfuna gye byali bikulaakulanamu, kyali kyangu okulaba nti singa tewassibwawo ntegeka mu bwangu ddala, mu myaka mitono mu maaso obulamu bw’abantu bangi nnyo bwali bujja kufuukira ddala nnyo olw’eby’enfuna okuba nga tebigabanyiziddwa kyenkanyi mu bantu. Ekintu kino kyali kiyiinza okuvaako okutondebwawo kw’amawanga abiri mu ggwanga:

  1. Eggwanga erya babifeekeera abakolerera bannaabwe;
  2. Eggwanga ery’abaavu abatagambika

Kino singa kiba kituukirira, eby’obufuzi byalibadde bidda mu mikono gy’abagagga era nga gavumenti esigadde kuyamba abaavu mu ngeri ng’abanaku bwe bayambibwa. Kino kyali kiyinza okuviirako abanaku okuvunnamira babifeekeera n’okubeebaza olw’okukkirizibwa okubaweereza.

Akawendo akaabiri mu omusaanvu; Obote yagamba nti okusinziira ng’embeera bwe yali mu ggwanga waali tewali kakiiko kavunaanyizibwa ku kugabanyamu mu bwenkanya eby’obuggagga bw’eggwanga wabula eby’obuggagga by’eggwanga byali bigabanyizibwa nga bigoberera okusinziira ku nfuna y’abantu. Yawa eky’okulabirako nti: Singa abantu bataano ku buli kikumi (5%) obugagga bwabwe buba buweereza ekitundu ekya wakati eky’enfuna y’eggwanga (50% of the Economy), abantu abo abatono baba nga balina obuyinza ku bitundu ataano ku kikumi eby’ebintu ebiva mu buggagga bw’eggwanga. Kale nno olw’obugagga bwabwe obuyitiridde n’amaanyi ge baba balina ku by’enfuna by’ensi, kino kiyinza okubaviirako okukola ebyo bbo bye baagala awatali kulowooza ku muntu owabulijjo; kwe kugeza abantu abo batera okwagala ebintu ebirungi ennyo ebitafunika mu nsi yaabwe, ekintu ekibaviirako okulagiriza ebintu ebyo okuva ebweru w’eggwanga oba okubigula mu nsi yaabwe mwe bikoleddwa naye ku muwendo ogwa waggulu ennyo. Ebintu bwe biba biggyibwa mu nsi ez’ebweru kitegeeza nti bannansi baba balina okukola ennyo okutunda eby’amaguzi mu nsi ez’ebweru okusobola okufuna sente z’ensi ezo zebanaakozesa okugalayo ebintu bye beetaaga. UPC wano kye yava eyagala okuteekawo entegeka eyinza okuziyiza omuze guno oguleetera ensimbi zonna ez’ebweru eggwanga ze lyalifunye ate okusigala mu mawanga ag’ebweru.

Akawendo akaabiri mu omunaana; Obote yagamba nti engabanya y’obugagga yali esaanye okwetegerezebwa mu ngeri endala; gamba ng’okugabanya obugagga omuntu owabulijjo n’abeera nga yasinza ekitundu ekinene, kino kyongera amaanyi mu makolero kubanga omuntu owabulijjo sikyangu okwagala okugula ebintu eby’okwejalabya. Singa enfuna y’abannayuganda eyongera okusituka, kirowoozeka nga bandyongedde okugula ebintu ebikolebwa mu nsi yaabwe.

Akawendo akaabiri mu omwenda; Mu byangungu Obote yannyonnyola omulamwa gw’enfuga ya Nnaakalyako Ani bwatyi:

  1. Ekwata ku by’obufuzi n’eby’obugagga
  2. Aba UPC bakkiriza nti obuyinza bw’eby’obufuzi buteekwa kubeera mu mikono gy’abantu abasingako obungi so si mu gy’abantu abatono;
  3. Eby’obugagga nabyo byandibadde mu mikono gy’abo abasinga obungi

Obote mu kawendo kano yawuunzika ng’agamba nti bo aba UPC baali basaliddewo ddala okugoberera enkola ya Nnaakalyako Ani era n’eby’obufuzi n’eby’obugagga bidde mu mikono gy’abo abasinga obungi.

Akawendo akaasatu; Obote yannyonnyola ng’eby’enfuna bya Uganda bwe byali byesigamye ennyo ku by’obulimi, okupakasa n’ensimbi eziva mu by’amaguzi ebitundibwa ebweru ng’eby’obugagga ebisimibwa mu ttaka, ppamba n’emmwanyi. Yagamba nti UPC kikola butaweera okusobola okulaba nga eby’enfuna by’eggwanga tebyesigama ku busuubuzi bwa bagwira. Enkola eya Nnaakalyako Ani yali egoberera kwongera maanyi mu makolero n’ebibiina by’obwegassi ebya Uganda.

Akawendo akaasatu mu akamu; Obote yannyonnyola ng’ekimu ku byetaagibwa okukulaakulanya eby’enfuna by’eggwanga bwe ziri ensimbi (Capital) kyokka ate era nga kyali kimanyiddwa nti ensi yali teyiinza kwesigama ku nsimbi eziva mu mawanga g’ebweru. Yagamba nti mubumanyirivu bwabwe aba UPC, Uganda yali esobola bulungi okwekuηηaanyiza ensimbi ezaayo ku bwayo nezigimala singa buli munnayuganda yali asobola okubaako ne kye yeerekereza. N’olwekyo bo aba UPC baali basemba wassibwewo entegeka esobozesa ensimbi eziterekeddwa bannayuganda okusobola okukozesebwa obulungi mu kwongera okukulaakulanya eggwanga.

Akawendo akaasatu mu obubiri; Obote yagamba nti UPC yali esemba enkola ey’okwekuηηaanyiza ensimbi essibwe mu nkola n’okutandika n’embala eyaliwo nga buli mukozi afuna omusaala asalibwako akatundu akasuule mu nsawo y’okuyamba abantu mu myaka gyabwe emizibu egy’omumaaso nga batuusizza emyaka gy’obukulu omuntu kw’awummulira (National Social Security Fund – NSSF). UPC era yali esemba embala eyo y’emu okukozesebwa ku buli nsimbi omuntu z’afuna mu ngeri emu oba endala kasita ziba nga zisobola okumanyibwa omuwendo gwazo omutuufu. Ng’oggyeko abakozi ba gavumenti abasalibwako akatundu ku misaala gyabwe, abantu abalala bonna baalinga bakusasulayo buteerevu mu NSSF oba bakama baabwe okuzibasalako zisobole okusasulwa mu ntegeka emu oba endala mu NSSF eyakakasibwa.

Akawendo akaasatu mu obusatu; Obote yagamba nti enkola za bbanka mu kiseera ekyo zaali ziyamba basuubuzi n’ab’amakolero bokka, ng’omuntu owabulijjo omuwejjere tasobola kwewolayo sente. Ate era abawejjere ne bwe bandisobodde okwewolayo, ensimbi zonna kumpi zandiggweredde mu kusasula bbanja. N’olw’ensonga eno, UPC kye yava eraba nga kyali kisaanidde okuteekawo enkola ya bbanka endala eneeyitibwanga Bbanka y’Obwegassi (Co-operative Bank) eneeyambanga abawejjere abali mu bibiina by’obwegassi. Enkola ya bbanka eyo yandibaddemu akatundu akagamba nti omuntu ali mu kibiina ky’obwegassi nga yeewola ensimbi okuva mu bbanka eyo, ekibiina ky’obwegassi mw’ava kinaamuterangawo akabega okusasula ebbanja eryo era ne kikola ne ku by’okusasula byennyini. Akatundu akalala akandibaddemu ke ko akagamba nti obungi bwa sente ezinaawolebwanga omuntu bunaasinziiranga ku ebyo omuntu oyo by’akozeeko.

Akawendo akaasatu mu obuna; Obote yayongera okukkaatiriza ekigambo ky’okwerekereza okusobola okwongera ku by’obugagga bw’ensi munda ne ku by’abagwira.

Akawendo akaasatu mu obutaano; Obote yagamba nga UPC bwe yali esembye okuteekawo enkola ey’okuwaliriza abantu okutereka ensimbi mu ngeri ezitali zimu mu bbanka era n’okussaawo bbanka z’Obwegassi.

Akawendo akaasatu mu omukaaga; Obote yagamba nti ku ky’okwongera ku by’obugagga obuleetebwa abagwira kyali kimanyiddwa nti abagwira abo baagalawo obweyamo ku bintu byabwe bya baleeta mu  nsi; kale UPC yali ekozeewo etteeka erikuuma eby’obugagga bw’abagwira okusobola okubasikiriza okuleeta mu nsi yattu eby’obugagga byabwe.

Akawendo akaasatu mu omusaanvu; Obote yagamba nga bwe baali bakozeewo entegeka eby’obugagga ebiva ebweru byongere ku bugagga bw’ensi. Etteeka eryo lyali liyitibwa Foreign Investment Protection Act.

Akawendo akaasatu mu omunaana; Obote yayongera okukakasa ensi nga mu nkola ya Nnaakalyako Ani ekinaagobererwanga mu kukulaakulanya ensi kwe kulaba eng’engeri ey’okukola ebintu n’okubibunya mu bantu nga biri mu mikono gy’abantu awamu. Kino kyali kisobola okuwaliriza gavumenti okuwamba obusuubuzi obw’ekinyunyunsi oluvannyuma lw’okusasula engassi.

Akawendo akaasatu mu omwenda; Obote yagamba nga eky’okuwamba eby’obusuubuzi nga gavumenti esasula engassi bwe kyali kyayisibwa edda nga ne mu Ntegeka z’obufuzi ebbiri (1962, 1967) kali mwekali. Bwe kityo kino kyali kitegeeza nti tewali musuubuzi mu busuubuuzi bw’ekinyunyusi eyali asaanye okulowooza nti gavumenti yali teyinza kweddiza oba emu ku makampuni ag’engeri eyo oba amakampuni gonna ag’engeri eyo, ettaka oba ebintu ebirala byonna ebivaamu eby’obugagga buli lwe kiba kyetaagisa olw’obulungi bw’abantu bonna.

Akawendo ak’amakumi ana; Obote yassa essira ku kutekebwawo n’okuddukanya kw’ebifo abantu mwe baali bayinza okuyigirizibwa okw’ekikungo okusobola okukyusa endowooza y’abantu. Okuyigiriza kuno okw’ekikungo kwali kugenderera kuyigiriza abantu okulowoolereza mu kukolera awamu mu kuddukanya ebifo ebikola ku by’enfuna so si mu kulowoolereza mu kwegaggawaza kinn’omu mu ngeri ey’ekinyunyusi.

Akawendo ak’amakumi ana mu akamu; Obote yagamba nga bwe baali basaanye okugoberera Demokulasiya ng’ebirowoozo by’abantu bireetebwa ne byekennenyezebwa.

Akawendo ak’amakumi ana mu obubiri; Obote yagamba ng’okugoberera enkola ya Nnaakalyako Ani bwe kyali kikolera ku kufuga okw’okukubaganya ebirowoozo. Ekiwandiiko kino n’ebirowoozo ebyali biragiddwa mu kyo byali biteekwa okubunyisibwa wonna mu bantu nga biyisibwa ku Ladiyo ne Televizoni mu mawulire.

Akawendo ak’amakumi ana mu obusatu; Obote yagamba nti ekiwandiiko kino okusobola okutuukiriza ebigendererwa kyali kyetaagisa abakulembeze okweweerayo ddala okukituukiriza n’abantu abasinga obungi okukikkiriza n’okukola ennyo.

Akawendo ak’amakumi ana mu obuna; Obote yamaliriza ekiwandiiko kye ng’agamba nti okukkiriza ekiwandiiko kino kyali kiwa omuntu owa bulijjo omukisa okutuukira ddala ku ebyo by’asuubira mu ntuuyo ze era n’obwenkanya mu bulamu.

Ebyo by’ebyali mu kiwandiiko Obote kye yali awandiise era nga ky’ayagala Uganda egoberera, mpozzi n’okwefaananyirizaako akatabo akaali kawandiikiddwa omukulembeze wa China, Mao Ze Dong, akayitibwa Little Red Book. Abakulembeze aba zigavumenti ezajja nga ziyita mu bwegugungo (Revolution) batera okuwandiika ebiwandiiko ebifaananako bwe bityo.


The expropriation of the Gaels
In the 18th century the hunted-out Gaels were forbidden to emigrate from the country, with a view to driving them by force to Glasgow and other manufacturing towns. [28] As an example of the method [29] obtaining in the 19th century, the “clearing” made by the Duchess of Sutherland will suffice here. This person, well instructed in economy, resolved, on entering upon her government, to effect a radical cure, and to turn the whole country, whose population had already been, by earlier processes of the like kind, reduced to 15,000, into a sheep-walk. From 1814 to 1820 these 15,000 inhabitants, about 3,000 families, were systematically hunted and rooted out. All their villages were destroyed and burnt, all their fields turned into pasturage.
British soldiers enforced this eviction, and came to blows with the inhabitants. One old woman was burnt to death in the flames of the hut, which she refused to leave. Thus this fine lady appropriated 794,000 acres of land that had from time immemorial belonged to the clan. She assigned to the expelled inhabitants about 6,000 acres on the sea-shore — 2 acres per family. The 6,000 acres had until this time lain waste, and brought in no income to their owners.
The Duchess, in the nobility of her heart, actually went so far as to let these at an average rent of 2s. 6d. per acre to the clansmen, who for centuries had shed their blood for her family. The whole of the stolen clanland she divided into 29 great sheep farms, each inhabited by a single family, for the most part imported English farm-servants. In the year 1835 the 15,000 Gaels were already replaced by 131,000 sheep. The remnant of the aborigines flung on the sea-shore tried to live by catching fish. They became amphibious and lived, as an English author says, half on land and half on water, and withal only half on both. [30]
Extracted from: Karl Marx. Capital Volume One, Chapter Twenty-Seven: “Expropriation of the Agricultural Population from the Land”



Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick


Below  is a transcript of a very important communication regarding how the majority Baganda lost their land in the wake of the 1900 agreement and the struggles they waged up to the late 1940s to have the injustice addressed.  I have seen some on the forum reducing matters of rearrangement of land ownership to the state of the mental health of the mothers of state notables etc (Musisi Bosco) or the “life style” of generals .  That is the context…

6 May 1921.


Abataka to Chief Secretary, Government of Uganda

We have humbly addressed to you this letter while emploring you to kindly consider that is embodied therein and which have made us ap­proach His Excellency the Governor, and which runs thus:

We have eventually realized that a considerable length of time has been taken in our country of Buganda Kingdom, since the Abataka brought up their complaints for the re-acquisition of their Butaka lands: notwithstanding the fact that they have put up their rightful claims to the auth­ority of our Buganda Government which should do justice, nothing is yet done for them because of the reason that those who are expected to arbitrate are the ones who unlawfully acquired their fellowmen’s butaka lands by reason of the 1900 agreement: which provided that each one should survey his own estates which he held in possession. Having realized our rights as the lineage sons of the Bataka in Buganda; who pre­served our country from long ago on the system of butaka land tenure, have to be recognized as well as our ancestors.

We, some of the Abataka, having discovered that a serious mistake was made in this matter, and are of the opinion that unless we try to put it to an end, it will ruin our kingdom, therefore humbly pray you to grant what we are asking you in this petition – which is that, ‘We have formed an association with the aim of preserving our Butaka estates in Buganda and is known as Ekibiina ky’ Abaganda Abataka’ (The  Association of Baganda Ancestors or Bataka); and the following are the chief aims of its formation:

1. To start the reorganization of Butaka estates that existed before the advent to this country of His Majesty’s Government of England;

2. To give ,back all butaka estate’s to the original proprietors in accordance with our native customs;

3. To preserve and to see that each one gets his original butaka estate and the British Government ratifies and preserve same;

4. To recognize all’clan institutions that existed in the country and their relative duties to our Kabaka and for each clan to have a repre­sentative who airs her interests in the central legislature as we used to do in the olden times.

This association declares to be loyal to all good laws and to serve George V and all his successors as all other countries are directed to do in the Empire of His Majesty George V.

We humbly pray to the British Government to sympathetically con­sider the petition of the Abataka of Buganda, because of the grave error committed in our nation of Buganda and referred to above. We further humbly state that we realize that it will be difficult for our country to progress as is planned and promised by Government (unless the above error is remedied).

We have come to realize that the foundation of our country based on 1900 (agreement) tends to develop a smaller section of the country where­as the larger section is on the contrary discontented and petitioning about the “preservation of the good customs of Buganda: we visualize the difficulty in the way of progress by Government without the support of the Abataka who form the nation of Buganda. Without the Bataka, there is not Buganda. We assume and hope, Sir, that you will agree to grant what we ask you in this letter and to receive and entertain whatever we shall submit to you for consideration and to sympathize with our case, as without such assistance, we feel we shall not endure and win what we are aiming at; we have formed this association not because of planning a rapid progress, .hut solely to have a pr6per foundation laid upon which progress, may be based. The agreement to send up this petition has been reached at the time when the chief signatories to the 1900 agreement are still alive because after their departure, it will be most difficult for the younger generation to come to settlement of such historical affairs now in dispute.

We earnestly pray soliciting your sympathy for any of our petitions and for your excused in having appended our signatories on matters of such an important nature as these.

We are, Sir, Your humble servants:

Daudi Basudde

Yuda Musoke Kasa

The Secretaries of the Association of Bataka of Buganda.

The Lango Development Plan


For those not so well conversant with Luganda, the English Edition follows:

The Lango Development Plan

On 04th March 1971, the president of Uganda, General Idi Amin Dada, authorised the release for public consumption, a once upon a time Top Secret document meant for ex-president Apollo Milton Obote and the UPC top elites from Lango, to be read on Radio Uganda. The document which was authored by a one Okello-Apello, claiming to be airing the views of the Langi elders, was one of the Top Secret documents that had been confiscated by the Army after the 25th January 1971 military coup d’etat. Here below is the document in detail.

Your Excellency, Dr. A.M. Obote,

Thank the heavens! We wish you the best of luck, and long live our dear son. Lead the people of Uganda with dignity and at the same time as per the norms of the Langi culture. We have taken it upon ourselves to study the different regions and peoples of Uganda with the aim of finding out what the different tribes think and do. We have also got feedback from fellow Langi who work in different regions of Uganda but have now returned back to Lira, on how ready they are to give you advice on how best you can rule Uganda. In its entirety, here below is our advice:

First of all, the Langi were mistreated by the British colonialists and, after the departure of the British after attaining independence, all the tribes of Uganda despised us. We had very few educated Langi which led to all the top government posts being filled by people from other tribes. This made all the Langi to envy other tribes. We are now totally convinced that should you follow to the letter what is stipulated in our document, herewith known as The Lango Development Plan, Lango shall rise and shine and, you shall be able to rule Uganda for at least 50 years!

Fundamental steps to be taken:

  1. Increase the number of schools in Lango and post in them highly educated teachers, we shall take it upon ourselves to fill the schools with pupils and students every year.
  2. We must ensure that Langi are made Education Officers in order to equate the number of Acholi Education Officers, or even to supersede them. We must not accept the Acholi to boast that they are cleverer than us, Langi.
  3. With immediate effect, send Langi students abroad on scholarships. We must ensure that vacancies are reserved for them in key government positions to deter people from other tribes being employed in such positions, such that our sons and daughters get employed immediately upon their return. In the unlikely event, should an Acholi be employed in a key position, then he should not be boss to a Langi.
  4. Increase the number of industries and factories in Lango in order to boost our economic power. We are well aware that this will cause the other districts to become jealousy of any developments in Lango, but this shall force the other regions to federate with us basing on our strong purchasing power base. The only serious opposition we might face is from the Acholi, especially should the number of industries in their region increase.
  5. We are aware that there is a considerable number of Acholi in the army, police and Prisons’ forces more than the Langi. We would be grateful if the numbers of Langi were increased to supersede the Acholi, and we request that this be implemented as soon as possible. We foresee with dismay the danger of the Lugbara and Madi joining forces in order to topple your government. We therefore recommend that the following Langi army officers: Arach Metucela, Oboma Ayumu, Ogwang and Elyak, be promoted immediately in order to head the armed forces. Since we do not trust other tribes, Metucela Arach should be promoted to the rank of Major General and, either Oboma or Elyak be made Chief of Staff. With respect to Police, Odongo should be made the Inspector General of Police and Samson Ochan should be made the Commissioner for Prisons. Should these recommendations delay to be implemented, we shall suffer heavily. We therefore make the following proposals in order to implement these recommendations: There is quite a considerable number of Acholi officers in the Police and Prisons forces who have served for quite a long time although they are not well educated. You should promote these not so-intelligent elderly officers but not the young energetic intelligent Acholi. Langi youthful officers should be strategically put to work side by side with these Acholi elderly officers so that with time you weed out the Acholi and replace them with the Langi youthful officers. The good in keeping the elderly Acholi officers is that they despise any advice from the youthful Acholi that could lead them to get ideas of toppling your government. We should be wary of Idi Amin despite his being semi-illiterate because he can easily join hands with intelligent Lugbara who can plan to topple your government. We do not want that Acholi, Anywar, to be head of the Special Branch. This post should be given to a Langi.
  6. We wish that all recruiting officers in all government departments are Langi. This will give a chance to those Langi who did not get access to education to get access to wealth. Any Indian or foreign national who mistreats a Langi should be expelled from Uganda. The following ministries should be headed by Langi: Planning and Economic Development; Agriculture; Education and; Health. The Acholi should not be given an opportunity to head ministries or even departments that are directly in the line of developing the country.
  7. Whenever a need arises to carry out a project in Acholi, the same project should also be carried out in Lango, as a must. Should there be any programme to be executed by the Acholi, we must see to it that also Langi officers are involved.
  8. Send as many Langi officers as possible to work in Acholi, especially as administrators. This shall dupe the villagers in Acholi that we Langi are the best educated. Ensure that the District Commissioner for Acholi district is always a Langi who shall give us a non-compromised report on exactly what the Acholi are up to. This DC should also encourage the fanning of divisions among the Acholi and any progressive Acholi with the intent of uniting East and West Acholi should be earmarked. However, should East Acholi wish to join us, they should be most welcome, in fact should there be any developmental projects to be carried out in Acholi, they should be along the border areas with Lango in order for the Langi to benefit the most.
  9. Please ensure that many Langi join the ranks of NUYO, as this will dupe the other tribes that its only the Langi who are capable of leading the nation. We should instil this myth in the minds of all the other tribes by ensuring that only Langi are appointed in key administrative posts. This will serve us well since the country is headed for development because then all the other tribes in Uganda shall be made to believe that it is only Langi who are capable of being good leaders and that anything good can only be found in Lango.
  10. The Langi are quite unhappy about the current boundaries with Acholi. The boundary should have been from Adilang straight to Bobi following the road to Koch and Karuma. This was the wise counsel of Yakobo Adoko. On the side of Teso, Kumam territory should be annexed to Lango, whereas on the side of Karamoja, Lango should stretch up to Labwor.
  11. We should be secretive on whatever goes on within Lango. All developmental projects in Lango should not be brioadcast on the national Radio or even in the newspapers. People without a strong foundation should not be allowed to work in Lango. At the same time, people who are well conversant with Lango but despise us should also not be allowed to serve in Lango. This should be so in order to avoid the impression that Lango is being developed at a fast rate at the expense of other regions.
  12. The following departments should be headed by Langi: Public Service Commission; Uganda Development Corporation; Nyanza Textiles; Tororo Cement Works; Uganda Hotels; Kilembe Mines and Uganda National Parks. All this is possible but it seems that there is an element of inferiority complex. Please also note the following:

Ankole: Kahigiriza is incapable of implementing our ideals because of the fear that someone else could take over his position.

Kigezi: Mpambara readily accepts anything put before him on his plate.

Toro: Samson Rusoke is wary of Rwambarali because he thinks that the latter might replace him as the Omuhikiirwa (Prime Minister) of Toro.

Buganda: There is nothing to fear in Buganda, except for that stupid Acholi by the names of Daudi Ochieng, who is not even liked by the Baganda themselves. Even in his own home he is not popular and his relatives loathe him as well, they do not trust him.

Busoga: Nadiope is well aware how he faces eminent opposition from Bamutire and also how he is dislikedby the Basoga in Iganga.

Lango: You are adored by all in lango except for that fool Ben Emor, who tried to make himself popular by means of trying to promote the Union. Emor has been earmarked and all his movements are being monitored.

Acholi: There is nothing to fear in Acholi land, for all the bad elements were taken care of by Peter Oola. The remnants are now located outside the district and, even though they returned; it would be too late because no Acholi could believe what they preached.

Lugbara and Madi: These are hopeless people, there is nothing to fear among them.

  1. The Scholarships Committee responsible for sending students abroad should be composed of only dedicated Langi. Educating of the Acholi should be put in check; however, there should be no fear for educating the other tribes.
  2. We wish that all the teachers in Ngeta and Boroboro TTC be strictly Langi. Teachers from other tribes other than Langi who wish to teach in schools and institutions found in Lango should have a good knowledge of the Langi Luo version and English only.
  3. It is an open secret that there is a privately owned school in Acholi which is aided by the government. This school falls in the same category as those of Jefania Okae and Kejekia Okulu in Lango district. Where is it that these latter two schools in Lango are not aided by the government?
  4. We do not want to see any Jaluos in Lira or even to see them fishing in Kwibale, Namasale, Acung, Ibuje or any other place in Lango. They should relocate to Acholi or West Nile.
  5. We hope that you are well aware how the Baganda used to seat on the busts of our grandparents while they drank liquor or brew. This act by the Baganda shall always be remembered by us, the Langi. Up to till today, the Acholi tease us how they used to burn us just like game, when will the Acholi ever be roasted like a game of elephants? At times Akena Adoko tells us that he is the only one capable of dealing with the Acholi.
  6. We reliably learnt from G.M. Okae that there are  two Acholi lecturers in the Makerere University College, why are there no Langi lecturers? Maybe this is the reason why there are also few Langi students in the University College, reason being that they (Langi) are frustrated by the Acholi lecturers. The Langi should be trained as tomorrows leaders since they are to rule Uganda.

Your Excellency,

This is the full report of our investigations from all the regions of Uganda. As per our wish, there should be no elections at all, for what benefit is it to hold general elections today? The general elections we held in the first place was because we wanted to end colonial rule and thus expel the British; now whom do we want to expel to necessitate the holding of general elections? We acknowledge the authority you command owing to your position as President of the Party, a phenomenon that has generated a lot of envy among your fellow UPC inner circle. Should you allow any other person to take over that position, we as Langi shall be subjected to enormous suffering. Increase the ranks of Langi officers within the army, police and prison forces and the commander of the Special Force must be a Langi and not from any other tribe. We do not want an Acholi to head the Special Branch.

Never familiarise yourself with Acholi because they are not to be trusted and can easily poison you. There is no doubt that you are capable of ruling Uganda for 50 years should you collaborate with the great sons of Lango such as Adoko .A. Nekyon, J.M. Okae, Abdallah Anyuru, Joel Wacha-Olwol, Ben Otim-Etura and Yokosafati Engur who is currently overseas. We wish you success, God blessed us to cooperate and work with you, in fact should anyone attempt to do you any harm, we are willing to sacrifice our own lives for you. Long live our son, we are your confidants and this document should only be circulated only among members of our most trusted inner circle.

An addendum to this document contained the following advice.

Our Great Leader, Apollo Milton Obote,

  1. You should not be deceived by anyone that the Acholi detest Peter Oola. We the Langi, like Oola so much because it is through him that we can undermine the Acholi.
  2. Never at any give time, allow Alipayo Oloya to be the chairman of Acholi District Council (ADC). We as Langi, protest such a move. Do you best to have the ADC chairmanship elections postponed until such a time when we have got a suitable person to replace Alipayo Oloya.
  3. Save us from these Acholi, we detest Eria Lakidi’s being in Entebbe and others also from Acholi district.
  4. Save us from the Acholi, we do not want any Acholi to be a minister of either the Agriculture, or Planning and Economic Development.
  5. Felix Onama should be made the Secretary General of UPC. We protest John Kakonge’s being given any post in UPC. We detest Otim-Oryem, an Acholi, being the Organiser of the Party.
  6. Save us from the Acholi, we do not want Wilson Lutara to be in a position where he can gain access to government secrets because he shall then be in a position to pass them over to the Acholi.
  7. Great leader, a considerable number of Langi should be posted in Acholi landas informants in order to keep us updated on what the Acholi are up to.
  8. Save us from the Acholi, you gave our land to the Acholi, when shall it be returned to us?
  9. Your Excellency, with all our hearts we request you to save us from the Acholi. Ensnure that Erinayo Oryema remains the Inspector General of Police until such a time when a suitable Langi replacement is found.
  10. Your Excellency, you are well aware of how the Acholi disrespect us the Langi, why have you decided to keep mum?

This is all, Your Excellency, that there is to inform you. We shall send you an envoy at a later time. We have nominated you as the Party President and wish you success. Thank the Heavens.



Lira, Lango

6 June 1968

Sir Edward was not only a British trained military officer


Dear Baganda,

On 30th Nov 1953, when the Governor Sir Andrew Cohen sermoned Sir Edward Muteesa to Government House in Entebbe, after Sir Edward refused to budge from the numerous threats made towards him, Sir Cohen handed him the deportation order. Without looking at it, Sir Edward passed it over to his Katikkiro, Owek. Paulo Kavuma, and kept on staring at the Governor. He (Sir Edward) just calmly asked them, “Does this mean that I am under arrest?” The Governor hissed out, “Yes”. Two white constables then walked in to take away the Kabaka. He then allowed them to walk him out of the office. Upon reaching outside, his deputy ADC, Robert Ntambi (RIP) being concerned over the safety of his Kabaka asked him, “Ssebo, nkube?”, meaning “Sir, should I shoot the bastards?” Sir Edward being the Royal and British trained military personnel he was, replied calmly with wisdom and guidance, “Tokuba, baleke” meaning “Just let the poor souls be!”

Please note that Sir Edward himself was armed with a revolver which he later handed over to the accompanying British officer in the aeroplane when they were already airborne, and could have done a Terrance Hill to those two poor souls, but he couldn’t kill an innocent man. And lo, some Baganda bashers and haters spew lies on the UAH forum of how Sir Edward killed innocent Banyoro in Karuguza, my foot!

Sir Edward was not only a British trained military officer, but was an instructor himself in the Grenadier Guards. As you might guess, British Army is not some taka taka African army where some officer might be made an instructor simply because of some top connections. Sir Edward was worthy his pips and medals and so, had to make the right decision at the right time after weighing a situation that deserves a split of a second action.

Sir Edward though still a minor, had the advantage of receiving lectures from his father; the late Sir Daudi Ccwa II. It was not just by chance that he was made the 35th Kabaka of Buganda. The British had tried to do the same to Sir Daudi Ccwa II, himself also a trained British Officer, but he was much wiser for them also. This Cohen Plan “B” was to be executed in the beginning of November 1939 (Note the coincidence of the month of November) by the then Governor, Sir Philip Mitchell, but due to the failing health of the Ssabasajja, the British thought it unwise in Military Strategic terms, to appear to be antagonising a sickly man (equivalent of shooting a defenceless man in the back). They instead banked on ‘terrorizing’ the next of kin. Unfortunately for them, the next of kin was even more tough a nut to crack than Sir Daudi Ccwa II.
When I told some Ugandans on the UAH forum that Sir Edward’s resistance to the British gave a booster shot in the arm of the Mau Mau, they could not comprehend that history. You see, sometimes we just cannot write the whole thing down here on the forum
Sir Edward was buried temporarily in London’s Wellington Barracks before finally his remains being returned to his kingdom in 1971 by Idi Amin. It was not a matter of fundraising a ticket for the remains, but rather the fear by Obote (of even a dead man) that his leadership could be shaken if Sir Edward’s remains were to be returned to Uganda at that moment. In fact, this is part of the ingredients for stage managing the Lugogo shoot-out.
You must give credit to President Museveni and not Obote’s son, for allowing Obote’s remains to be returned to Uganda, unlike the former’s refusal or putting in place impossible conditions to be fulfilled for the return of Sir Edward’s remains in 1969. If Hon. Akena said so but president Museveni refused, would Obote’s remains be in Akokoro as of today? And you are lucky that it was October 2005 with the next elections scheduled in Feb 2006. Man, get your political maths well in this saga. When Amin granted the return of Sir Edward’s remains in March 1971, there were no elections around the corner, for the next promised elections were to be in 1976, five years away!

Sir Edward Muteesa tomb lays inside a magnificient mausoleum of centuries old architecture. It is neither ‘beaten’ by rain nor ‘burnt’ by sunshine. It is not for all to touch and desecrate (okusaatukirako) That is the difference between Royalty and Commonership.

Awangaale Ssabasajja
Robert Nviri
UAH forumist

Why more prisons were built in Buganda



Lule was elected to lead the various guerilla forces because they wanted to buy into Buganda support, and this was in March 1979. It was the turning point of that war. And trust you people, after you got what you wanted (overthrow Amin) you kicked him in the butt after he refused to bow to pressure from Nyerere to reinstated Obote either as Minister of Internal Affairs, Defence of Foreign Affairs. By then the war was no longer a guerilla war, from day one in October 1978, that war was a convetional war with predetermined battle fronts. The guerilla war was run from 1971 – 1977 culminating with the deaths of Janan Luwum, Erinayo Oryema and Oboth Ofumbi.


Obote was revisiting history. Do you know the first person who brought the idea of building more and more prisons in Uganda (read Buganda)? It was the British protectorate Governor, Sir Andrew Cohen, after he had realised the potential of the Baganda to bring rebellion against the British government! In his maiden speech, he threatened, “I shall build more and more prisons in order to enforce British rule in this country!”
So Obote knew of the same, especially after the 24 May 1966, he knew of the potential of the resistance in Buganda, so he revived Sir Andrew Cohen’s abandoned plans – build more prisons in anticipation of the Buganda Resistance. Wow!!
What is amazing here is the Obote I regime’s wish to expand LUZIRA PRISON!

So the Obote 1 plans were to imprison as many Ugandans as possible, but not to eradicate Poverty, Disease and Ignorance! Wow!! Mwami Mulindwa obeewo for giving us bwino!

1st Republic of Uganda Cabinet as of December 1970



For the benefit of our young generation who have been following our debates on Obote I regime and his government yet they may not even know how the man and his cabinet ministers looked like, and also for our historical memories, here below is Obote’s cabinet before he was kicked out by Maj. Gen. Idi Amin on 25th January 1971.

1st Republic of Uganda Cabinet as of December 1970



Dr. A.M Obote, President                 Mr. John Babiiha, Vice President          Mr. Lawrence Kalule

Minister Animal Industry, Game             Ssettaala, Minister of

& Fisheries                                               Finance



Mr. E.Y. Lakidi                    Mr. Sam Odaka                       Mr. Felix Onama, Minister of Defence

Minister of Labour              Minister of Foreign Affairs


Mr. Basil Bataringaya                        Dr. J. Luyimbaazi Zaake                       Dr. Eriya Baabumba

Minister of Internal Affairs                  Minister of Education                      Minister of Marketing

& Co-operatives



Mr. Alex A. Ojera                Mr. J.N. Wakholi                     Mr. J. Anyoti

Minister of Broadcasting   Minister of Public Service     Minister of National Service

& Tourism                            & Cabinet Affairs



Mr. C.B. Katiiti                     Prince William W. Kalema        Mr. J.W. Lwamafa

Minister of Culture &          Minister of Commerce                Minister of Health

Community Development      & Industry



Mr. James S. Ochola                        Mr. John Kakonge                   Mr. M.L. Choudry

Minister of Regional                        Minister of Agriculture           Minister of Minerals & Water

Administration                                 & Forestry                               Resources





Mr. J.M. Okae                                 Mr. Shaban Nkutu                    Mr. Lamech Lubowa

Minister of Planning                       Minister of Works,                   Attorney General

& Economic Development           Transport & Housing


So did Buganda become great at the expense of Bunyoro

For me I am fed up with this Bunyoro gloating about the emergence and present prominence of Buganda.
Surely at the time of coming of the British, Buganda had long overtaken Bunyoro and the fact that Baganda are the dominant tribal force in Uganda today in all spheres be it social, political, economic, intellectual, sport, music and entertainment cannot just be because they at one time are adjudged to have gained at the expense of Bunyoro.
Mirima conveniently never tells anyone about the rise of Ankole, Toro or Karagwe that were all said to have been part of Bunyoro Kitara. Henry, how and when did those parts of Bunyoro Kitara break away from your Kingdom?
We should never forget that greatness cannot be stopped however much one tries to impede it.
Museveni has tried to impede Buganda, but even he knows that its next to impossible because we are every where, in all domains Uganda!
We are the brightest, most innovative, bravest, most enterprising, etc, and there is no way anyone or anything in Uganda can stop us, and this is not to say that we have any sense of chauvinism in us. Its just a fact.
The likes of Mirima just have to get used to this fact!

Rita Mbabazi

What is good for Buganda federalism is good for other regions


Role of Regions


By J. Senyonjo


Classic federalism is by its very nature a democratic system due to its detailed checks and balances on power at all levels. Democracy in a country like Uganda, with indelible ethnic regions and biases, can best thrive on a foundation of federalism; powerful federal regions are likely to protect the rights of their citizens against encroachment from the sometimes hostile, or indifferent, central government. Federal systems are designed to ensure that central governments do not arbitrarily interfere in local administration, including law and order responsibilities. These are left to regional and local governments, the two other levels of government in a federal system.


Federal constitutions demarcate power and responsibilities among the three tiers of government in order to guard against one tier encroaching on another tier’s jurisdiction. Moreover, since regional governments do not owe their existence and power to the central government but to their electorate, there is no room for directives from the central government that are not in the interest of the regions’ peoples.


Now the question of whether the semi-federal situation of 1962-1966 better placed Ugandans to defend individual liberties than the current unitary status quo is an interesting one. It is a great opportunity for me to reiterate the inadequacy of “federo for those who want it”, and why it’s better, in a country like Uganda, to have federalism for all. You will note that Buganda, the only true federal region in the 1962-1966 arrangement, stood up against the autocracy of the central government in the interests of her people and her federal powers, but because most other regions did not have the same privileges and powers, and resented her for them, she was largely a lone voice in the wilderness.


Imagine, if a federal system had been shared by all regions in 1966, and that their governors had met to discuss the increasingly arbitrarily behaviour of the central government towards regional autonomous powers and citizens’ civil liberties, contrary to the constitution; imagine too that, as in most, if not all, federal systems, each of the regions had a legally constituted militia, would the central government have easily usurped the constitution?


Moreover, in genuine federal systems, regions have a role in amending the constitution since they are integral players whose powers and people are affected by any drastic change, so it would not have been enough for the Prime Minister to intimidate the national parliament into passing his “pigeon hole” constitution. He would have had to do the same with all the independently elected regional legislatures. Imagine the amount of coordination and planning that it would take. Would high-level members of the army allow themselves to be used to abuse their regional legislatures? If they did, couldn’t the regional militias and police forces get in their way? After all, the army’s constitutional role is external defence, and it would be overstepping its mandate.


The Prime Minister’s task would also have been much more difficult at the national level because genuine federal systems generally have two chambers, one representing constituencies, and another one representing all the regions equally, regardless of each region size, or population. It would have been an uphill task indeed, for the Prime Minister to bring both chambers along, coercion notwithstanding.


So yes, my sense is that, indeed Ugandans’ civil liberties would have been better protected under a federal system understood, and subscribed to by all.


Democracy and Federalism are thus so intertwined in the Ugandan context, and in much of Africa, that they should be enshrined in the constitution concurrently. Recent examples of wrangles and strife in Bunyoro, Karamoja, Acholi and Lango clearly show that the collective civil and individual liberties of the people in the regions are often either trampled on, or neglected by the machinery of the central government which is often not competent enough to appreciate the subtleties of local interests and politics.


History shows that once the civil liberties of any section of society are trampled on with impunity, it is just a matter of time before the civil liberties of others suffer a similar fate. Federal regions protect against such abuse, and in a complex multi-ethnic country like Uganda, can therefore be considered guardians of democracy.



Uganda cannot be just a 13 Uganda Federal Union States


Are the people fighting for federo in Uganda aware of a bloody war of independence by Sabiny to break away from Bugisu? Has they ever heard the Rwenzuruuru Movement that fought until it broke away from Tooro? We should be serious.

Rwenzuuruuru, that’s to say Bakonjo and Bamba were attacked and subjugated by Kabaleega of Bunyoro. They were done the same by Batooro with the help of the British. They fought for independence until Amin gave them a  district status. You now want them to be under Tooro again. Please be serious and sensitive to peaple’s issues. Batooro seceeded from Bunyoro.
Kabaleega subdued them again. They sought reinforcement from Buganda and the  British and asserted their independence of Bunyoro. Sabiny fought a war of  idependence until they gained a district status. Have you done any research?Have you looked at Wold Committtee, Lord Muster Report, the two Lancaster conferences, Odoki and Sepebwa reports, and C.A. Hansards? Please wake up.
You can have three traditional regional governments of Buganda, Eastern,
Western and Northern as demanded by Henry Kajura in C.A. BUT THAT CAN
You can have 15 traditional kingdoms and districts as it was the case under
1962 constitution but with modifications that Kaseese and Bundibugyo will be independent of Tooro. You can have 10 provinces under Idi Amin, but with modifications that Central , South Buganda and North Buganda shall be one province. You can have sub regions as entrenched in the 1995 constitution as ammended in 2005. This is the most acceptable.

Ahmed Katerega

UAH forumist/Journalist

Prince Junju is the main contender to succeed Kabaka Mutebi


Dear Baganda,

The media especially Bukedde, has been writing about Kabaka’s son, Prince Junju. But they should do more. In case Nnabagereka produces a son, that will be a potential candidate. But we are tired of minors, who rule through agents. We have not forgotten Katuramu’s mess in Tooro and that of Apollo Kaggwa in Buganda.

It is almost three weeks ago when l run a two page story of Qaddaffi, Museveni and Mutebi relations and warned that those sexing up their disagreements will be disappointed. This story has proved me right. l wondered after the two leaders had met in New York, and some presidential aides continued fueling disagreements in papers and on talk shows. Museveni’s problem with traditional and cultural leaders/institutions was interfering in partisan politics and they seemed to have agreed with Qaddaffi on that. So those sexing up disagreement between Museveni and Mutebi, Qaddaffi and Museveni, etc… will be disappointed.

Prince Junju is the only son to the reigning Kabaka. If you go to Prince Wassajja, you will open a Pandora’s box. For Wassajja is a Catholic. If you go to Nakibinge, it will be worse, for he is a Muslim and he is a Paternal Uncle to Mutebi.But for Junju, be even assured of regional support in the Great Lakes and enemies will fail to call you sectarian and tribalistic since his mother is a Rwandese.

For the patrimonial Baganda (as most Africans), “nyoko aba Omunyoro, n’akuzaala ku kika.” That’s why they imported Kimera from Bunyoro, whose mother Wannyana was a Muhima. Even Kabaka Mukaabya Walugembe Muteesa’s mother was a Muhima, so was that of Prince Badru Wassajja Kakungulu. Buganda is not starved of princes of Royal family and Royal clan evenif Junju also dies today.

Ahmed Katerega


Peter Sematimba Has Not Denied Anti Buganda Letter


Peter Sematimba Has Not Denied Anti Buganda Letter

Posted on 31 October 2009

For several days this week, a letter has been circulating on Baganda Internet discussion lists, allegedly written by Peter Sematimba, offering the NRM advice on how to weaken CBS FM Radio.  The alleged letter, which was supposed to be highly confidential, is addressed to the minister for Security in the NRM occupation government, Amama Mbabazi. It refers to a previous discussion on the subject with David Mafabi of Museveni’s state house.

Our state house sources most familiar with the activities of David Mafabi were not aware of any specific contacts between Sematimba and Mafabi. However, they confirmed that,  since the Kayunga civil disturbances, Mafabi has gotten more involved in activities to subdue Baganda. The source said: “Since the Kayunga riots, even Museveni now knows that Kabaka Mutebi could take him down, if he had enough bright and brave people in Mmengo to support him (Mutebi).  Because state house staff know that Museveni was shaken,  each one is trying to show that they have the best idea about how to isolate the Kabaka, scare the few bright and loyal Mmengo officials, strenghthen JB Walusimbi and disorganize the Baganda youth and Diaspora movements. In this environment, it would not be surprising if two money hungry people like Sematimba and Mafabi cooked up juicy deal along the lines of this letter. But I have no information to confirm it.”

On Sematimba’s part, he declined to reply to our email message, sent to the address he uses for business,, inquiring if he could confirm or deny the letter. Calls to his radio station numbers 041- 272777 / 0782-222885 also got a “Boss is not in office” response.

On reading the anti-Buganda letter, a leading Buganda analysts based in New York,  claimed that serious Baganda should only be happy when Buganda’s enemies are exposed like this. He explained: “Many so called intelligent Baganda are still subconsciously slaves to the belief that a foreigner like Museveni or Besigye will save them. Others are equally delusional by thinking that some fast talking Muganda president of Uganda, like Abedi Bwanika or Samuel Lubega or Frank Musisi will help. Such Baganda are either ignorant or afraid to face the fact that Museveni and his Banyankore and Rwandese kin have ransacked the Uganda experiment. It  is a failed state! So, what does Uganda have to offer to Buganda anymore?”

The analyst continued: “What would stop Bwanika or Musisi from becoming a Sematimba once he gets power? The more intelligent Baganda know that a Muganda president of Uganda will have to go anti-Buganda, in order to maintain support from the other groups, who are uniformly anti-Buganda. This letter by Sematimba, is good for demonstrating that, Mulondo, Nsibambi, Bukenya, Mulwaanyamuli, Katende, Sekandi and Tamale Mirundi were not the last to betray Buganda. More like Bwanika, Musisi and Lubega are coming, only they might even be worse than Muwanga. The only way out is independence for the Buganda Kingdom. Fortunately, the younger Baganda who are the majority seem to instinctively understand it and that is why they are 100% behind Kabaka Mutebi.”

The controversial letter is reproduced in full below:

TO: The Minister for Security

Cc; David Mafabi O/P

Date: 2nd/October/09


Honorable minister, we discussed with Mr David Mafabi (office of the president) regarding the closed Radio stations, and i raised several issues with him which I present to you and may as well share with the powers that be at an appropriate time.

First, I wish to express my reservations for the Broadcasting council for not doing enough to forestall the mess in the electronic media especially the fm stations more so in view of what befell the country .

As much as we have endeavored to set standards at Super fm, we have been let down by our competitors who either out of fear for positive competition or deliberately for failing fulfill the requisites of professional broadcasting.

With regard to the three closed stations, its my belief that the major protagonists are CBS and AKABOOZI while SUUBI FM is a nonentity in this jigsaw. It’s my conviction that you critically focus with CBS and AKABOOZI given their burgeoning presence in the FM industry.

Both FMs are a sister act especially with regard to violating the ethical code of conduct as per the press and journalist act 1995 and electronic media statute 1996 as well as the broadcasting council guidelines put in place for the electronic media to adhere to.

We at Super FM can use this time of relative normalcy before the closed FM stations  are re-opened to fix the situation both on behalf of Government and the party as well as check on the activities of the broadcasting council on their part.

Action Plan

I request that through your office you create a special desk where you can identify NRM cadres who can ably articulate party/ Gov’t issues on the air waves.

If this is implemented, am ready to offer a weekly program preferably during the day in fulfillment of this mission.  This will help us mobilize.

Honorable, we are aware of the imposing status of these two stations and the expected new sense of belonging upon re-opening I think that there is a need to covertly reduce their influence in the industry.

The stations will re-open with a bang and every listener will naturally want to associate with them after all this time in suspension. Its against this that if  no advance counter measures are put in place the bubble will bust  and you might not achieve the goal of their closure.

For instance you can do this by demanding that they unconditionally shuffle various presenters in unfamiliar programs, i.e. from presenters to newscasters and vice versa.

By so doing, you can institute an “independent” survey to rate FM stations and am positive that  the programs will be rating low after some time or/ and even most of the presenters will be disenchanted by the new set up  and may end up thinking twice.

Through this scheme, we can make amends by promoting those stations that are on the same page with the system

(e.g Super FM) and by the time they re-organize it will be after months when we have steadily set off.

Alternatively, like we discussed with Mr. Mafabi, we can sweet talk a couple of presenters and draw them to the realization of not risking their careers and instead switch to the operating radio such as Super FM.

Personally am targeting two from CBS FM and two from AKABOOZI. For the fact I know that the management of both stations cannot agree to sack their prized presenters for the sake of re-opening them because they form the basis of their popularity.

But I can assure you that if we cunningly implement snatching them away, it cannot take long before these presenters are beaten into line with what we want.

We has suggested with Mr. Mafabi and Tamale Mirundi that I make a presentation on the above issues so that I can give you a more practical picture on the way forward on this matter for the continuity.



Peter Sematimba