Category Archives: 2011 elections in Buganda

UAH should have an official Representative in Lukiiko and National parliament

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Some of the newly appointed Lukiiko members take an oath at Bulange yesterday(the Monitor newspaper)

Dear Ugandans,

We thank the Kabaka of Buganda, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi 11, for having selected a strong team that is going to represent us in the Lukiiko. We hope the team below will do a good job for Buganda and make very good decisions that will contribute to the endless strength and visibility of the kingdom.

As members of Ugandans At Heart (UAH), we request the Kabaka to also put us into consideration and give us a representative in the next Lukiiko. We believe we are doing a tremendous job in outlining, fighting for and discussing the challenges the kingdom is facing in this century, such that our representation will strengthen our case to do this important job very well.

For the mean time, we thank the Kabaka for his great leadership and choosing some of the UAH members to be part of the new Lukiiko. We especially want to thank him for having chosen Mr.Kalundi Sserumaga as part of his team. This member faced a lot of challenges last year but we did a lot to expose his problems using the UAH network. We believe he will be a good servant to Buganda and the Kabaka and we wish him good luck.

We also request the national parliament to consider creating a slot of a special UAH representative in the future parliament since the forum is mostly connected with the problems of Ugandans abroad. With this slot, we shall be able to communicate to parliament directly what we think are the required changes needed to take our country forward. Other details on how to select, nominate or vote for the UAH representative will be sorted out, as soon as the government guarantees the creation of this constituency. Ugandans abroad have got  a lot of problems that we feel should be debated on a regular basis in our parliament, and there is no better way of doing this than having somebody representing them in parliament.

Below is the list of the members of the Great Buganda Lukiiko( 2011), extracted from the Buganda Kingdom website:

1.    Oweek. Eng. John Baptist Walusimbi          – Prime Minister (Katikkiro)
2.    Oweek. Haji Musa Kaddu Sserunkuuma       – Speaker
3.    Oweek. Dr. Higiro Semajege                    – Deputy Speaker
4.    Oweek. Emmanuel L Ssendaula               – 1st Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Buganda Affairs Abroad
5.    Oweek. Haji Yusuf Nsubuga Nsambu        – 2nd Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Heritage, Royal Tombs and Tourism 6.    Owek. Apollo N. Makubuya                   – Attorney General and Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs
Research
7.    Oweek. Eva Nagawa Mukasa                  – Minister of Finance.
8.    Oweek. Charles Peter Mayiga                – Minister for Lukiiko, Cabinet  Affairs, Information and Spokesman of the Buganda Government.
9.    Oweek. Dr. Fred Masagazi Masaazi             – Minister for Education & Sports
10.    Oweek. Edward Katimbo Mugwanya       – Minister for Special Buganda
Projects
11.    Oweek. Jolly Lutaaya                         – Minister for Local Government, Community Mobilisation

Co-operatives
12.    Oweek. Tony Kiyimba Kaggwa        – Minister of Lands & Public Buildings

13.    Oweek. Mohamood Thobani            – Minister for Economic Planning and Development
14.    Oweek. Nelson Kawalya                    – Minister of Health.
15.    Oweek. Edward Lutaaya Mukomazi        – Minister of Agriculture, Animal
Husbandry, Fisheries, Forestry and
the Environment
16.    Oweek. Kaddu Kiberu                       – Minister for Industries, Trade,
Works and Technology
17.    Oweek. Apolonia Mugumbya            – Minister for Gender and Community Development

18.    Oweek. Ahmed Bamweyana                 – Minister for Water, Power, Natural Resources
19.    Oweek. Florence Bagunywa Nkalubo       – Minister for Youth and Employment
20.    Oweek. Amb. William S. K. Matovu        – Minister for Royal Treasury & Chief Palace Advisor.
21.    Oweek. Israel Mayengo                     – Minister without Portfolio in the Office of the Katikkiro                                                                         22.    Oweek. Kabuuza Mukasa Namuddala    – Minister of State for Royal Visits & Royal Tours
23.    Oweek. Twaha Kaawaase            – Minister of State for Finance
24.    Oweek. David Mpanga             – Minister of State for Research
25.    Oweek. Herbert Ssemakula            – Minister of State for Sports
26.    Oweek. Florence Nakiwala Kiyingi        – Minister of State for Tourism
27.    Oweek. Rajni Tailor                – Minister of State for Economic Planning & Economic Development
28.    Oweek. Omar Mandera            – Minister of State for Management & Development of the Royal Treasury
29.    Oweek. Ahmed Lwasa            – Minister of State for Education
30.    Oweek. Haji Simbwa Bunnya            – Minister of State for Agriculture, Animal husbandry, Fisheries,     Forestry and Environment
31.    Oweek. Mariam Nkalubo Mayanja         – Minister of State for Women  Development
32.    Oweek. Samalie Mwanje            – Minister of State for Protocol
33.    Oweek. John Elly Ssentongo            – Minister of State for Environment

MASAZA CHIEFS

34.    Oweek. Ponsiono Kawotto Sengendo            – Sebwana, Busiro
35.    Oweek. Charles Balogali Kiyimba Kwewaayo    – Pokino, Buddu
36.    Oweek. Sevume Musoke                 – Bugerere, Bugerere
37.    Oweek. Yusuf Gaganga                – Kasujju, Busujju
38.    Oweek. Lawrence Sserugunda            – Luweekula, Buweekula
39.    Oweek. Katende Girigoli                – Mbuubi, Buvuma
40.    Oweek. Medard Kiwanuka                – Kitunzi, Gomba
41.    Oweek. T. Malwokweza Kivumbi            – Kaggo, Kyadondo
42.    Oweek. David Ssedyabule                – Lumaama, Kabula
43.    Owek. Ananius Ssekyanzi          – Katikkiro wa Kamuswaga,  Kooki
44.    Oweek. Ssalongo Peter Ddungu        – Muteesa, Mawogola
45.    Oweek. Stephen Kifulukwa Nawuba        – Kayima, Mawokota
46.    Alex Benjamin Kigongo            – Ssekiboobo, Kyaggwe
47.    Oweek. Prof. Peter M. Mutebi        – Kweba, Ssese
48.    Oweek. Salongo Godfrey Mbalire        – Mukwenda, Singo
49.    Oweek. Twaha Lwanyaaga            – Katambala, Butambala
50.    Oweek. Gidion Kisitu                – Kangawo, Bulemezi
51.    Oweek. Ssalongo S. Ssenyonga        – Kimbugwe, Bululi

KABAKA’S REPRESENTATIVES

52.    Oweek. Prof. Eric Paul Kibuka        – Member of the Lukiiko
53.    Oweek. Dr. Jack Luyombya            –       “
54.    Oweek. Robert Kalundi Serumaga        –        “
55.    Oweek. Dr. Golooba Mutebi            –        “
56.    Oweek. Victoria Nabayinda Serunjogi    –        “
57.    Oweek. Mukasa Muleme            –        “
58.    Oweek. Rehema Kasule Nakawooya        –        “
59.    Oweek. Damas Mulagwe            –        “
60.    Oweek. Dr. Charles Zziwa            –        “
61.    Owek. Umar K. Mayanja            –        “

REPRESENTATIVES FROM COUNTIES

62.    Oweek. Edward Kamya Lugonvu                – Kyaddondo
63.    Oweek. Kibirige Nakubulwa Zulayika            – Kyaddondo
64.    Oweek. Charles Bwenvu                    – Kyaddondo
65.    Oweek. Christine Kasule Mugerwa                – Kyaddondo
66.    Oweek. Kironde Kisuule Geoffrey                – Kyaddondo
67.    Oweek. Kato Kabugo Samson                 – Kyaddondo

68.    Oweek. Haji Abibu Kizito                    – Kyaggwe
69.    Oweek. Donald Muguluma Damulira                – Kyaggwe
70.    Oweek. Haji Kaweesi Kibiriti Abdallazziz            – Kyaggwe
71.    Oweek. Nalwanga Grace Wandyaka                – Kyaggwe
72.    Oweek. Nalubwama Barbra                     – Kyaggwe
73.    Oweek. Patrick Kisitu                        – Kyaggwe

74.    Oweek. Nabwami Sofia                    – Bulemeezi
75.    Oweek. Dr. Josephat Jombwe                 – Bulemeezi
76.    Oweek. Kasimu Hassam                    – Bulemeezi
77.    Oweek. James Mabaale                    – Bulemeezi
78.    Oweek. Noel Nabweteme                    – Bulemeezi
79.    Oweek. Erasto Kibirango                    – Bulemeezi

80.    Oweek. Ismail Mulema                    – Kooki
81.    Oweek. Semu Kulubya                    – Kooki
82.    Oweek Ddungu Ssemuto                    – Kooki

83.    Oweek. Hajati Fatuma Namugula                – Mawogola
84.    Oweek. Wamala Samu                    – Mawogola
85.    Oweek. Ssesanga Magala Peter                – Mawogola

86.    Oweek. Joseph Balikuddembe                – Buddu
87.    Oweek. Mugumbya G. Ssenyonga                – Buddu
88.    Oweek. Samuel P. Kayiwa                    – Buddu
89.    Oweek Henry Wasswa Mukasa                – Buddu
90.    Oweek. Babirye Mary Kabanda                – Buddu
91.    Oweek. Ronald Mugamba                    – Buddu

92.    Oweek. Ssemwogerere Deo Mutyaba                – Buwekula
93.    Oweek. Kiwanuka Harriet Nampala                – Buwekula
94.    Oweek. Matovu Ndawula Erisa                – Buwekula
95.    Oweek. Gyaviira Kasajja                    – Buwekula

96.    Oweek. Kijjambu H.R Stanley                 – Ssingo
97.    Oweek. Matovu Noah                        – Ssingo
98.    Oweek. Zziwa Kimogofu                    – Ssingo
99.    Oweek. Nantume Poline                    – Ssingo
100.    Oweek. Lubega Godfrey                – Ssingo
101.    Oweek. Wasswa Katende Kezekia              – Ssingo

102.    Oweek. Ssonko Margret                 – Bugerere
103.    Oweek. Ssekimuli Swaib                – Bugerere
104.    Oweek. Kawuma Nuwah                – Bugerere
105.    Oweek. Walugendo Charles                – Bugerere
106.    Oweek. Robina Magezi                – Bugerere
107.    Oweek. Schofield.D.B Ssekubwa            – Bugerere

108.    Oweek. Ssetenda Ssenoga Livingstone        – Gomba
109.    Oweek. Namale Amina                – Gomba
110.    Oweek. Muwanga Kaggwa Amos            – Gomba
111.    Oweek. Namuddu Rehema. Ssekabira        – Gomba

112.    Oweek Mugenyi Alex Salongo            – Buvuma
113.    Oweek. Kitayimbwa Fred                – Buvuma
114.    Oweek. Namugabo Federesi Sekindi            – Buvuma

115.    Oweek. Ssebwato Godfrey Ssebanakita        – Buluuli
116.    Oweek. Wanzala Livingstone                – Buluuli
117.    Oweek. Nambi Nambooze Ruth            – Buluuli
118.    Oweek. Ssemwanga Fred                – Buluuli

119.    Oweek. Naggayi Annet                – Busiro
120.    Oweek. Musisi Kabuye Fredrick            – Busiro
121.    Oweek. George Geserwa                – Busiro
122.    Oweek. Kiberu Kisiriiza Charles            -Busiro
123.    Oweek. Suzan Namutebi Musoke            – Busiro
124.    Oweek. Kalule Ssewaali John                – Busiro

125.    Oweek. Nyika Mutooto Victor            – Busujju
126.    Oweek. Kikomeko Nakate C. Birabwa        – Busujju
127.    Oweek Jjingo Mark Byekwaso            – Busujju

128.    Oweek Ssalongo Lutaaya G. W            – Ssese
129.    Oweek. Nakyeyune Glades                 – Ssese
130.    Oweek. Kasirye Augustine                 – Ssese

131.    Oweek. Ssekyeru David                – Mawokota
132.    Oweek. Juma Bbosa                    – Mawokota
133.    Oweek. Nalongo Jane Florence Kiwalago        – Mawokota
134.    Oweek. Dr. Martin Nsubuga                -Mawokota

135.    Oweek. Nanyonjo Jaliya Sseguya            – Butambala
136.    Oweek. Najib Kivumbi                – Butambala
137.    Oweek. Ssepuuya Steven                – Butambala
138.    Oweek. Nabwami Aisha Sserunjogi            – Butambala

139.    Oweek. Matovu Sarah Nakalembe            – Kabula
140.    Oweek. Hajjat Nassimbwa Nsereko            – Kabula
141.    Oweek. Ssenkima Stephen                – Kabula
142.    Oweek. Kamunana Emmanuel            – Kabula

REPRESENTATIVES OF THE YOUTH

143.    Oweek. Mitimbo Gonzaga Kagumba        – Nkobazambogo
144.    Oweek. Elijah Kyobe                – Nkobazambogo
145.    Oweek. Kiyemba Hassan            – Nkobazambogo
146.    Oweek. Mazzi Sylvia                – Nkobazambogo
147.    Oweek. Nalweyiso Hasifah             – Nkobazambogo

148.    Oweek. Joseph Kawuki            – Buganda Youth Council
149.    Oweek. Ssabavuma Christopher        – Buganda Youth Council
150.    Oweek. Ismail Kintu                – Buganda Youth Council
151.    Oweek. Henry Kasacca Mubiru        – Buganda Youth Council
152.    Oweek. Mulindwa Michael Nakumusana    – Buganda Youth Council
153.    Oweek. Sylvia Kirabira G            – Buganda Youth Council
154.    Oweek. Christine Nabukenya            – Buganda Youth Council

155.    Oweek. Mulwana Kizito Andrew        – Ssuubi Lya Buganda
156.    Oweek. Balikuddembe J. Senkusu        – Ssuubi Lya Buganda
157.    Oweek. Isaac Mpanga                – Ssuubi Lya Buganda
158.    Owek. Prosperous Nankindu Kavuma    – Ssuubi Lya Buganda
159.    Oweek. Henry Ssekabembe            – Ssuubi Lya Buganda
160.    Oweek. Isa K. Mayanja            – Ssuubi Lya Buganda

REPRESENTATIVES OF VARIOUS CATEGORIES (Professionals)

161.    Oweek. Henry Kanyike            – Livestock
162.    Oweek. Prof. Badru Kateregga         – Education
163.    Oweek. Enock Kato                – Farmers
164.    Oweek Younus Kamulegeya            – Consult-Eng
165.    Oweek. Edward Nkuggwa            – Accountants.
166.    Oweek. John Sebaana Kizito            – Bika Football Committee.
167.    Owek. Kassim Yawe Musoke            – People with Disabilities.
168.    Oweek. Nantumbwe Rose            – The Luganda Language
169.    Owek. Robert Nviiri            – Ekibiina ky’Olulimi Oluganda
170.    Oweek. Chris Bwanika            – Bannamateeka
171.    Oweek. Haji Midirikati Mukasa        – Employees
172.    Oweek. Hajji Jamada Lutta Musoke        – Employers
173.    Oweek. Hasipha Nampeewo Mpagi        – Women
174.    Oweek. Solome Walusimbi Mpanga        – Women
175.    Oweek. Joyce Mpanga            – Women
176.    Oweek. Agnes Nabulya  Nkuggwa        – Women
177.    Oweek. Ibrahim Suguya    – The Lukiiko Nom. Committee.
178.    Oweek. Dr. Kiwanuka     Ben Mukwaya    – Medical Workers
179.    Oweek. Edward Kayondo                “
180.    Oweek. Gasta Lule- Ntake             – Business Community
181.    Oweek Mukasa Ssalongo James        – Business Community
182.    Oweek. Noah Kiyimba            – Tertiary Institution
183.    Oweek. Prof. Livingstone Walusimbi        – Elders
184.    Oweek. Mohamood Ssebagala        – Elders

REPRESENTATIVES FROM OUTSIDE BUGANDA

185.    Oweek. Kizito Peter Mufumba    – Abaganda ababeera e Busoga
186.    Oweek. Kato Hussein Galiwango    -Abaganda ababeera e Bugisu
187.    Oweek. Ssenkumba M. Joseph    – Abaganda ababeera Samia/ Bugwe
188.    Oweek. Suleiman Ibrahim Kiggundu    – Abaganda ababeera mu East  Africa.

REPRESENTATIVES OF COMMUNITIES IN BUGANDA

189.    Oweek. Wahibu Doka                – Mukiise
190.    Oweek. Bakhit Juma Hassan (0753 968015)    -Mukiise
191.    Oweek. Manu Kanani                – Mukiise (0712777700)

CLERK

192.    Omukungu David Ntege

Thank you everyone and good luck to the new Lukiiko members because they are going to need it under the circumstances.

Abbey Kibirige Semuwemba

UAH CHIEF MODERATOR

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Help Kabaka Get the Right Choice. Vote For Your Katikiro Now

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Dear Ugandans,

April 2011 is when the four year term for current Buganda kingdom Katikkiro, JB Walusimbi, expires. According to the Redpepper(2010),’‘Katikkiro JB Walusimbi recently met the Kabaka and communicated his unwillingness to go for a second term. This, the Katikkiro maintains, is consistent with his inauguration speech of 2007 when he assured the Kabaka that he would do just one term.
Having served at Mengo for a very long time (he was finance minister for a very long time including during Joseph Mulwanyammuli’s reign), Walusimbi has naturally generated fatigue and wants to retire to private life and redeem his businesses some of which have been affected by his busy schedule while serving at Mengo since the 1990s.However, palace insiders tell us the Kabaka didn’t want to renew Walusimbi’s contract because of his soft approach to the Buganda issues, thus his shopping for a radical and anti Museveni prime minister.

So who do you want to be your next Katikkiro? Any Ideas?

 

Ssabanyala and Ssabaruli are just Politcal Titles that can be taken away any time

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Dear Ugandans,

UNDER 1962 INDEPENDENCE CONSTITUION, THE HEAD OF STATE OF UGANDA WAS THE QUEEN OF ENGLAND WHO WOULD BE REPRESENTED BY A GOVERNOLR GENERAL. The First Constitutional Amendment 1963, created a position of President and Vice President to be elected by parliament. Candidates were to be traditional rulers. In non kingdom areas, a position of constitutional head was created like the Rutakirwea of Kigezi. These are now catered for under a regional Government arrangement as entrenched in 1995 constitution as amended in 2005 constitution.

These rulers can’t be presidents and vice presidents again like it was the case in 1963 because they are barred from partisan politics. But they can titular heads of regional governments. Unfortunately some opportunists at mmengo rejected such a wonderful deal, which was agreed upon by the President, the Kabaka, the Katikkiro, Mulwanyammuli then, John Katende, Charles Peter Mayigha, Apolllo makubuya, Grace Ndugwa, among others. Traditional/ cultural leaders are only barred from partisan politics but not politics for man is a political animal.

l am a journalist and my area of specialization is politics. l covered and followed well Government Mmengo talks. The formal ones were with Katikkiro and his team and Mbabazi-Rugunda team. Occasionally the President and the Kabaka could intervene. Later the Kabaka was personally represented by Prince David Kintu Wassajja. Another informal team of Haji Abdu Nadduli, omutaka Nadduli Kibaale, Prince Kitayimbwa Mumiransanafu the late Bishop Yokana Mukasa, also intervened. Museveni had a three day meeting with Haji Nadduli in Karamoja in 2004, as there was no head way between Mulwanyammuli and Mbabazi-Rugunda.

The final deal was endorsed by Lukiiko. But when Mulwanyammuli was forced to resign, the Lukiiko undid what it had done. Among those in the talks and are still at Mmengo include Apolo Makubuya and Charles Peter Mayiga. Joseph Mulwanyammuli may be seen as a hypocrite, but am sympathetic to him for he was betrayed by both Mmengo and the centre.

The traditional leader of Bugerere was Namuyonjo, who was also deposed by Kabaleega in his wars. But later Sir Edward Muteesa ll restored him and gave him a Mailo Estate at Galiraaya in present Baale County. But the political/administrative leader was a saza chief.

The problem however is that ever since kingdoms were restored in 1993, Mmengo has not installed a Nang’oma or a Namuyonjo. Neither has it allowed the Kabaka’s subjects in Buluuli and Bugerere, to elect their won representatives to Buganda Lukiiko. Then name calling of who is more muganda than another started by frustrated politicians, and the climax was the last September riots.

Take an example of my home Mawogola County or Ssembabule District. The traditional leader was Chief Muntu Njovu, the last signatory on Buganda Agreement of 1900. He got two Mailo land estates at Bulera, which is his official estate, and Kyebando, which is private. His relatives and subjects, including grandfather of CMI Brig. James Mugira, also got Mailo estates. But the political/administrative leader was a saza chief.

The Bamooli, the Muntu’s ruling clan and Bannabwera, his subjects seek restoration of that cultural autonomy, but mmengo is adamant.

Most Baluuli and Banyara are Baganda with an exception of a few political agitators. One of Buganda’s famous Prime ministers, Nsibirwa (in whose name is now a hall at Makerere University), was a Munyala. In Buluuli, immigrants including Baganda,  Banyankore and Banyarwanda when team up with moderate Baluuli, hardliners like Hon. Muluuli Mukasa,, former security minister, become a minority. In Bugerere, Banyala though natives, are less than 10 percent, and the majority are Baganda.

The provision which was in the First Amendment of 1962 Independence Constitution (1963) applied for non kingdom areas and the kingdoms of Buganda, Bunyoro, Tooro and the Territory of Busoga were exceptional. It was smuggled out of the bill according to the president and cabinet.

Ahmed Katerega

UAH forumist

Museveni could easily become the first hereditary Muhororo king of Uganda

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A forecaster is a person who, using available information, estimates, calculates or predicts in advance what will happen in future. Based on information at hand, it is possible to foretell that Museveni plans to become the first hereditary king of Uganda kingdom. What are the ingredients for this prediction?

1. It is not a secret any longer that Museveni entertains the notion of creating a Tutsi Empire with himself as the first Emperor. Museveni believes very strongly in using military might to realize what he wants. Other strategies are supplementary. And that is why democracy in Uganda is conducted at gun point. There is sufficient information about Museveni’s military/political intervention in Burundi, Rwanda and DRC as preparation for Tutsi Empire. If Mugabe had not intervened in DRC war, Museveni would probably have realized his dream. As is now known Mugabe entered the war principally to stop Museveni from creating a Tutsi Empire in Middle Africa (J. N. Weatherby 2003). Besides military intervention, Museveni is indirectly pushing Tutsi Empire through the East African economic integration and political federation. Museveni has even talked about a federation larger than the Great Lakes one. On April 4, 1997, it is reported that Museveni stated “My mission is to see that Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi and Zaire [DRC] become federal states under one nation [and one leader]” (EIR Special Report 1997). Thus, Uganda kingdom is an integral part of this scheme. The following steps have been or are being taken to create Uganda kingdom.

2. When Bahima and Bahororo (Batutsi from Rwanda) minority (so-called pastoralists) were in full control of political and military operations in southwest Uganda (Ankole and Rujumbura county of Rukungiri district) in pre-colonial and colonial days, intermarriage between them and Bairu (slaves or so-called agriculturalists) was forbidden. Bairu were condemned to slaving for the comfort of their masters. In such circumstances it would not have made sense to encourage intermarriage between masters and slaves. Occasionally the king of Ankole would give a Muhima woman to an outstanding Muiru (singular for Bairu) soldier to marry and incorporate him into his group thereby depriving Bairu of a strong military leader.

3. The arrival of independence in 1962 based on majority rule changed the equation. The majority Bairu through one person one vote changed previous arrangements and became bosses at the district and national levels. To undo this development and bring Bahima and Bahororo minority back to dominant position, restrictions on intermarriage were withdrawn overnight. Bahima and Bahororo women (excluding those from royal families) were encouraged to marry en masse wealthy and/or educated Bairu who in turn would be naturalized Bahima or Bahororo and forsake their ancestral roots. They would thereafter be champions in promoting and defending Bahima and Bahororo interests. Meanwhile Bahima and Bahororo men continued to marry Bahima and Bahororo women only to avoid being penetrated by Bairu women so that their secrets about dominating others are not revealed.

4. Since Bahororo and Bahima came to power in 1986, Bahororo and Bahima women mostly from lower social classes are marrying Uganda men in large numbers and naturalizing or integrating them into Bahima/Bahororo culture like they have done with Bairu of southwest Uganda. Thus, the numbers of Bahororo/Bahima and in-laws of influential people have steadily increased in all parts of Uganda. A group of Bahororo women called Bashambokazi Kumanyana (to know one another) has been formed and one of the principal objectives is to arrange for Bahima and Bahororo women to marry men outside their Nilotic ethnic group and boost the number of political supporters of Bahororo. Please note that Bahima and Bahororo men continue to resist marrying women outside their Nilotic ethnic group. Increased intermarriages would be easy to deduce from marriage statistics but the files have disappeared.

5. Since the social revolution of 1959 in Rwanda, Uganda has attracted many Batutsi refugees (cousins of Bahima and Bahororo) many of whom have stayed and are playing crucial and strategic roles in Museveni’s government. Batutsi women like their Bahororo and Bahima cousins are encouraged to marry men outside their Nilotic ethnic group. There are stories of Batutsi men (and Bahima and Bahororo) forcing their daughters to marry at tender ages. These intermarriages are political although falsely presented by Kesaasi and others as the result of love between two consenting individuals. With recent disappearance of files on immigration, it is going to be difficult to determine how many Tutsis are in Uganda and marrying outside their ethnic group. It is therefore important that the government must be pressured to get all the missing files (on immigrants and vital registration) back intact because those who ‘stole’ them are known.

6. Article 37 of 1995 Uganda constitution states in part that every person has the right to promote any culture, cultural institution and tradition. This culture and institution could be at a community, district or national level! It is possible that a person or group of persons could propose that Uganda becomes a kingdom in order to unify the country under one king instead of a proliferation of kings that constrain the achievement of national unity project. What is happening in Uganda right now that began as demand for cultural institutions and leaders has turned out to be a demand for creating kingdoms and installing kings. Demands are coming in from all parts of Uganda presumably with tacit encouragement of the government. There are reports that Bakiga are now demanding a cultural institution and leader. This is laying the groundwork for eventual demand for a kingdom at the national level once a critical mass of demands has been secured. It is possible! What is needed is a mechanism to put the idea of Uganda kingdom into effect. That mechanism could be parliament. Parliament can change the constitution and declare Uganda a kingdom. Remember not too long ago Uganda parliament changed the constitution by removing presidential term limits. When the idea was first floated, many Ugandans thought that that was the dream of a lunatic and brushed it aside, arguing that Ugandans would not accept that. Now we have a constitution without presidential term limits!

7. What Museveni needs is to have in the next parliament at least two-thirds of NRM unwavering supporters to introduce a bill calling for making Uganda a kingdom and Museveni the first hereditary Muhororo king. And the game will be over. The media will say all it wants until it gets tired or if riots break out, Museveni has taken care of that in advance. With security forces at his disposal, he will crush any protest. With the Supreme Court in his pocket, the decision of parliament will be confirmed.

8. To keep international criticism at bay, Museveni has collaborated with strategic western powers in Great Lakes geopolitics, structural adjustment and anti-terrorism crusade. Do you now see how strategic Museveni is!

9. Should the Tutsi Empire come to fruition or the East African Federation be realized while Museveni is king of Uganda, he will move on to a larger institution and appoint his brother, son or daughter to succeed him as king or queen of Uganda.

10. That is why 2011 elections have become crucial. NRM candidates were selected carefully causing chaos because the non-trusted candidates were rigged out of the primaries. To prevent the creation of Uganda kingdom, voters must deny Museveni two-thirds of NRM members of parliament. The choice is yours.

11. When you fail to act and Uganda becomes a kingdom with Museveni as the first hereditary Muhororo king, do not shed crocodile tears that you did not know. Now you know!

Eric Kashambuzi

Museveni did not read history lessons properly

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Eric Kashambuzi

Museveni claims to have studied history. It is not clear which branch of history he studied. Did he study revolutionary; military; diplomatic; colonial; negotiations; medieval; modern or all the branches of history? Whichever branch he studied, Museveni’s behavior demonstrates that he learned wrong lessons and that is why he has ended up described as a dictator presiding over a failed state.

Museveni believes very strongly that when you are militarily strong and you are feared (that is why he wears military uniform when there is a domestic challenge), then you can crush all your enemies (Museveni sees dissent in enemy, not opponent terms) with impunity. That is why he devoted his early life undergoing military training. As president, his number one priority has been building strong security forces to intimidate and when necessary crush political dissent. The defense budget has therefore been disproportionately larger than any other sector. Consequently infrastructural, social and environmental sectors have been starved of resources and are on the verge of collapse (potholes in Kampala City are an obvious case) – an outcome that may end his presidency.

History shows that military strength alone is not enough to defeat a determined people. The Portuguese government refused to negotiate with African liberation forces believing that military victory was the only choice. In the end the government itself was overthrown and Portugal defeated and all Portuguese fled their former African colonies in utter humiliation. On the other hand, visionary de Clerk, prime minister of apartheid South Africa, read the signs correctly and concluded that military victory was impossible. He entered into genuine negotiations with Nelson Mandela and a win-win agreement was struck (unlike the fake Okello/Museveni Nairobi negotiations). White South Africans who chose to stay have accepted Africans as equals and not creatures to slave for the Master Race.

If Museveni does not draw a lesson from the experience of Mandela and de Clerk that military strength has drawbacks and begins to negotiate with opponents or to give them space to participate in the political processes as equals, there are going to be serious problems. Instead, Museveni is still investing in weapons of human destruction (WHD) rather than creating conditions for dialogue with all stake holders.

Museveni believes that once you have solid foreign support, you cannot be defeated at home. Accordingly, in trying to get Britain’s support, Museveni accepted a harsh version of structural adjustment (shock therapy) because it was favored by conservative western leaders particularly Margaret Thatcher of the United Kingdom. Museveni collaborated closely with Linda Chalker a trusted minister who preached Thatcher’s philosophy of economic liberalism including monetary economics focusing on inflation control (at the expense of employment) and privatization of public enterprises. Museveni embraced similar policies in the economic reform programs since 1987.

Regarding privatization, Uganda’s public assets were divested en masse without proper assessment of their value, which ones to be privatized, to be closed or to be retained because they were making profit or serve strategic national interests. Divestment began immediately a decision was taken with instructions that any problems should be addressed as they arise rather than delay divestments until all constraints had been studied and resolved. The assets were sold at throw away prices (we have never been informed how much revenue was raised and to what use it was put). Because there were no Ugandans with capital and skills to participate in the exercise, most Uganda assets are foreign-owned – severely undermining Uganda’s sovereignty. The few that were allocated to Ugandans connected with the first family have performed badly and are always applying for government bailout to avoid bankruptcy – the very reason privatization triumphed over nationalization.

Also, because Museveni needed continued Britain’s support (British media and financial interests supported his guerrilla war), he agreed to the return of all Asians if they wished to and repossession of their properties including possibly those that had been compensated. This decision was and still is very unpopular and contentious in Uganda.

While taking these unpopular decisions to please foreign powers, Museveni has failed to draw the right lessons from the experiences of Haile Selassie of Ethiopia and Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire/DRC. These two African leaders had solid support of western powers. Nobody would have thought that they would be abandoned for any reason. However, when the west realized that the two leaders had become very unpopular in their respective countries it chose the people over the leaders. Haile SeIassie was in the end judged by western powers as a flawed leader with an autocratic style of leadership and abandoned. Similarly Mobutu was judged kleptocratic leader and advised to step down. When he refused, he was thrown out by Kagame and Museveni troops. The same thing could happen to Museveni if he continues along the current unpopular trajectory.

Museveni has not yet drawn a lesson about the power of images (photographs) in eroding the credibility of leaders. During the 1973/74 devastating famine in Ethiopia, the world watched images of starving women and children while Ethiopia was exporting food to earn foreign currency to cater to the needs of the rich, and Haile Selaisse was photographed feeding large chunks of beef to his lions in the palace compound. Without question, these images enhanced the Emperor’s removal from power.

The images of starving mothers and children when Uganda is exporting huge amounts of food to neighboring countries and beyond to earn foreign currency to satisfy the needs of the rich; pictures of Ugandans disfigured by jiggers because of absolute poverty; pictures of Kampala under floods because drainage channels have been blocked by unplanned buildings; pictures of overturned vehicles and dead passengers because of poor road maintenance and images of Museveni boarding an $80 million presidential jet in a third world, least developed and landlocked country that depends on foreign aid for survival have sent wrong messages about Museveni’s leadership and priority setting. Yet Museveni and his media staff continue to deny the adverse impact they are having on him.

Museveni believes that once you have crushed opposition parties and you have a firm control of your party then everything else will flow as planned. In this regard, Museveni has not learned from Margaret Thatcher’s experience. Thatcher believed that she had a comfortable handle on her conservative party and could initiate unpopular programs (e.g. poll tax) with impunity. She got a shock when members of her party forced her to step down through party elections.

Similarly, Museveni got a shock when disgruntled party members announced that because primary elections for 2011 general elections had been rigged, they were contesting as independent candidates. He advised them to drop the idea for party unity to no avail. If business continues as usual, Museveni could, one day, be forced to step down. It is possible because Ugandans are changing!

Museveni has not learned that ignoring or exploiting peasants can be politically costly. Peasants’ revolts contributed a major part in the collapse of feudalism in Europe. French peasants played a crucial role in the French Revolution. Uganda peasants are unhappy with Museveni policies. They see their children drop out of school in large part because government has refused to provide lunches and see their youth unemployed when youth from Museveni ethnic group with whom they studied are driving new vehicles. Independent candidates from Museveni’s party have seen this loophole and hope to exploit it and defeat Museveni’s preferred candidates. Thus, Uganda peasants, like peasants everywhere, can get cranky and cause trouble for Museveni when they feel their rights have been trampled too much.

Finally, Museveni did not draw a lesson regarding the impact of enlightenment thinkers on the American and French revolutions. European thinkers rejected divine right of kings and the dogma that some people were born to rule and others to slave in perpetuity. Museveni still believes in the divine right of presidents to give orders that must be followed at face value – without raising a finger in protest or to seek clarification. Museveni still believes that Bahororo are born natural leaders and will rule Uganda for ever possibly as a hereditary monarchy in spite of disastrous effects of his policies on the economy, ecology and society since 1986.

Museveni and his close tribal advisers still entertain the notion that any potential opponent should be liquidated. Museveni and those advising him need to understand that any person or relative murdered for his/her political views can only hasten his downfall. Uganda has entered the enlightenment phase and Ugandans have the right to reason and to ask questions and demand convincing answers – not to be dismissed as bankrupt, liars or empty and noisy tins!

Ugandans in urban and increasingly rural areas know their inalienable rights and no one can take them away without adverse consequences. The issue of land has demonstrated that even the illiterate cannot be swindled without nasty outcomes. If Uganda land is sold to foreign states or companies to grow food for their people while Ugandans starve, you can be sure Uganda peasants and urban elite will rebel (the case of Mabira forest is still fresh in our minds). As in European peasants’ revolts all that is needed is one or two bold leaders like Tyler to get the revolt rolling.

Generally, Ugandans are peace loving people who want to raise their families in peace and security and in harmony with their neighbors. Sadly, Uganda has had bad leaders who believe in the use of force rather than negotiations on a win-win basis. Impoverishing and humiliating opponents by depriving them of their property, culture (while Museveni is proud of his culture he is at the same time destroying the culture of others) and dignity by using military, intelligence and economic tools can only aggravate anger and speed up mobilization for resistance. Museveni expressed anger at Obote by waging a nasty guerrilla war on Buganda soil far away from his own. What makes Museveni think that others cannot react before they are completely destroyed? The armed forces he is proud of could turn against him especially by junior officers who have not enjoyed like the generals. Haile Selassie was picked up from his palace by junior officers he had dumped in a remote battalion in southern Ethiopia (we still remember Master Sergeant Samuel Doe of Liberia). Ugandans need not resort to force because there are better alternatives if all parties are ready to take that path. Let us hope that common sense and interest of present and future generations will prevail over Museveni’s personal and tribal interests.

Eric Kashambuzi

UAH forumist in NewYork

Museveni is turning Uganda into Bahororo dynasty

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Museveni is a big dreamer and strategist. He has plans for Bahororo dynasty in Uganda as an integral part of Tutsi Empire in the Great Lakes Region. He is using a combination of military, political, economic and diplomatic weapons to realize his dreams. Ugandans should listen and watch carefully when Museveni talks or acts. He has a subtle way of sending messages. This article will focus on plans for declaring Bahororo dynasty in Uganda. For easy reference, let us review the history of former Mpororo kingdom as background information to Bahororo dynasty.

A group of Batutsi from Rwanda under the leadership of Kahaya Rutindangyenzi of Bashambo ruling clan founded Mpororo Kingdom around mid-1600s. The kingdom lasted less than 100 years because of serious internal problems. Although the exact boundaries are not known, it stretched from northern Rwanda to southwest Uganda largely in present-day Ntungamo district. When the kingdom disintegrated the portion in southwest Uganda was taken over by Bahima under Bahinda ruling clan. Bahororo who had been rulers over Bairu (slaves or commoners) became commoners themselves under Bahima kings.

Many Bahororo who were dissatisfied returned to Rwanda, others stayed (and chose to call themselves Bahima to avoid being classified and (mis)treated as commoners) or moved somewhere else. Ninety years or so after the kingdom had disintegrated a group of Bahororo under the leadership of Rwebiraro of Bashambo clan sought refuge in Rujumbura around 1800 and settled at Nyakinengo. Therefore Rujumbura was not a part of Mpororo kingdom.

Although Bahororo lost their kingdom and the name ‘Mpororo’ disappeared from maps of what later became Uganda, Bahororo tenaciously clung together (by marrying among themselves) wherever they lived – in Rwanda, Rujumbura, Ankole, Buganda or elsewhere and kept alive the dream of restoring Mpororo kingdom.

During negotiations for Uganda independence, Bahororo in Ankole demanded a separate district. They did not succeed but the idea did not die. Museveni who is a Muhororo was old enough and witnessed how Bahima of Ankole denied Bahororo a separate district (there are rumors – to be confirmed – that Ankole kingdom was not restored because of the unresolved Mpororo kingdom question).

Museveni has set himself the gigantic task of restoring and expanding Mpororo from southwest Uganda to the entire country. He is using inter alia the following methods in calculated and subtle manner.

First, Museveni has patiently with the help of historians and other professionals identified all Bahororo and their Bahima (including Oyima in Lango), Batutsi and Banyamulenge cousins in Uganda and beyond. Because they use different Uganda names and speak different Uganda languages, it is difficult to detect them. Museveni has therefore placed them in strategic positions in the army, police and intelligence, strategic ministries especially of finance and foreign affairs and in business. The oil sector is already in Museveni’s pocket. That is why it has become critically important to know who is who in Uganda to avoid the country being ‘high jacked’.

Second, by pushing economic integration and free mobility of East Africans, Museveni has made it relatively easy for Batutsi from Rwanda, Burundi and DRC to filter into Uganda to boost Bahororo numbers. For this reason Museveni favors a liberal immigration policy. That is why you see so many buses from Burundi and Rwanda ferrying Batutsi into Uganda. With poor records it is difficult to know how many of these Batutsi are staying in Uganda permanently. Should East African political federation become a reality, Uganda will be flooded with Batutsi and Banyamulenge who will occupy Uganda land and throw out indigenous owners – it is reported to be happening in Ntungamo district already.

The 1995 Uganda constitution that allows free mobility and settlement anywhere in the country was designed largely for this purpose but Ugandans did not and still do not understand this trick. Using immigration statistics, it would be possible to determine how many Batutsi and Banyamulenge have entered Uganda and how many have left. However, records on migration, births, deaths and marriages etc that would provide the information on migration have been stolen although those who stole them are known but have not yet been apprehended! That is why Ugandans must demand the return of those files intact.

Third, under normal circumstances, when refugees are given asylum they are kept and supported in camps until conditions improve in their home countries and they go back. In Uganda since 1959 when Batutsi refugees and their cattle entered Uganda, refugees are settled and by default (or with some help) many of them have become Uganda citizens. The Tutsi refugees were allowed to stay with relatives or move to other places where they were helped to acquire land. If you add on migrant workers you understand how Buganda ended up with 40 percent of Banyarwanda at the time of independence.

These haphazard settlements explain in large part problems in Sembabule, Rakai and Mawokota, Bunyoro and Ntungamo etc. In Kabale where the population density is high, accommodating Batutsi refugees since 1959 resulted in Bakiga being pushed out to other areas of Uganda. Thus, some people who pose as Bakiga from Kabale are actually Batutsi. Museveni knows them well and has used them effectively. The United Nations High Commissioner for refugees (UNHCR) that has responsibility for their wellbeing should provide information on all refugees in Uganda since 1959 to see how many have returned to their countries. This information would also be used to avoid future conflicts with indigenous people especially as political problems in the Horn of Africa, Kenya and DRC have pushed Somalis, Kenyans and Congolese into Uganda.

Fourth, wealthy or educated non-Bahororo, non-Batutsi and non-Bahima men are being encouraged – sometimes without them knowing it – to marry women from Bahororo and their cousins. Usually these are women from lower social classes (women from higher or royal classes marry men in their Nilotic ethnic group and would not be allowed to marry outside of that circle even if they wanted to). Once you marry into Bahororo family you become a Muhororo or you are ‘Tutsified’ and you join that culture and abandon your ancestral relatives. Therefore these are basically political marriages designed to weaken non-Bahororo Ugandans. There is a rumor (subject to confirmation) that Bashambo women have formed a club called Bashambokazi Kumanyana (to know one another) and one of the principal objectives is to marry Bahororo women to non-Bahororo wealthy and/or educated men.

Fifth, Museveni has made sure that children of Bahororo and their cousins get superb education at home and/or abroad while Uganda children languish in public schools that have been starved of funds and cannot even serve lunch to hungry children who are dropping out of school. Museveni has resisted suggestions to provide kids with lunch. Now you can understand why. This is not a matter that requires a study (as Museveni has directed) by the World Bank which is not entirely in favor of school lunches. The educated Bahororo in time will occupy all important positions in all areas of human endeavor and control semi-illiterate and unemployable Ugandans. Museveni is also not keen to provide relief to unemployed youth through public works initially as other governments have done because that is part of the plan – to marginalize and reduce them to politically and economically voicelessness and powerlessness.

Sixth, Museveni has accommodated foreigners by privatizing public assets (and increasingly allocating them land) and giving them freedom to make as much money as they are able to (including by underpaying Uganda workers through labor flexibility) in return for supporting him to stay in power as long as he wants. Museveni’s chosen successor would continue cozy relations with foreigners to consolidate Bahororo dynasty.

Seventh, Museveni who controls the judiciary and executive branches now wants the legislative branch of government as well. With three branches in his pocket the game will be over. For 2011 elections NRM flag bearers were carefully selected and that is why the NRM primaries were chaotic. The preferred candidates defeated those that do not fit Museveni’s scheme of capturing and controlling parliament. With at least two-thirds majority of solid supporters in parliament, Museveni will engineer revolutionary constitutional changes that may shock Ugandans.

If Ugandans have noticed, many groups are now demanding cultural leaders. The idea of cultural leaders is in the 1995 constitution. They could not use kings because that would have been too obvious. What is interesting is that groups are increasingly demanding and installing not cultural heads but kings. Have Ugandans noticed the shift from cultural leaders to kings? As more and more groups demand kings and kingdoms, Museveni may use this opportunity and argue that since the overwhelming groups want kings we might as well declare Uganda a kingdom. With at least two-thirds in parliament fully behind Museveni, Uganda could easily be declared a kingdom with Museveni as the first king. When this happens, it will be too late to change because Museveni will be in control of security forces, all branches of government and the business community. Since the decision will have been taken democratically, there is nothing the international community can do. Do not dismiss this observation out of hand. It is possible to declare Uganda a hereditary kingdom, entrenching Bahororo dynasty. The only chance Ugandans have is to defeat NRM in 2011. This matter should be taken seriously so that no one complains afterwards that if they had known they would have voted differently. Now you know!

Eric Kashambuzi

Working with UN in New York

Why Nilotic Bahororo and their cousins don’t marry Bantu women

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Eric Kashambuzi

In the article on “Who are Bahororo?” it was mentioned that men do not marry Bantu women. Some readers have asked me to elaborate in order to understand why they don’t. Although Bahororo (Batutsi from Rwanda), Bahima and Batutsi cousins speak Bantu language, they are ethnically different from Bantu people, hence the use of Nilotic Bahororo and their cousins in the heading. At one time it was erroneously believed that Bahororo and their cousins were white people, but scientific studies have demonstrated conclusively and definitively that they are black people and darker with thicker lips than Bantu people – no disrespect is intended (J. D. Fage A History of Africa 1995 & Jean Hiernaux The People of Africa 1975). Although Bahororo and their cousins do not marry Bantu (Bairu and Bahutu) women they use them frequently for sexual pleasure and even produce children together. More references will be provided for those who would like to read more on the subject. Many quotations will also be used to avoid misinterpretation of authors’ messages.

According to John Hanning Speke (The Discovery of the Source of the Nile 1863, 2006) Bairu people (slaves) theoretically refers to all Bantu people south of the Nile. However, because of extensive intermarriage between Nilotic and Bantu people in Bunyoro, Buganda and Toro, entirely new communities were created and the ethnic distinction disappeared. This article will therefore refer to Bahororo, Bahima and Batutsi of southwest Uganda (Ankole and Rujumbura) and Rwanda and Burundi where Nilotic men do not marry Bahutu and Bairu women. It is important to add at this juncture that when wealthy and/or educated Bairu and Bahutu men marry Bahororo, Bahima and Batutsi women, they marry them mostly from relatively poor families. Thus, Bahororo, Bahima and Batutsi women from wealthy or royal families do not marry Bairu or Bahutu men reminiscent of medieval Europe where the nobility married among itself (John Merriman A History of Modern Europe 1996).

Although Bahororo and their cousins argue that they do not marry Bairu and Bahutu women because they are not pretty, historians and anthropologists and other commentators have given a different reason. One of them states that “… the Hima and Tutsi of the southwestern highland zone [southwest Uganda, Burundi and Rwanda] did not mix so freely. They avoided intermarriage and by keeping themselves distinct they managed, in time, to establish a position of domination over the majority peasants [Bairu and Bahutu] cultivators of the region” (Kevin Shillington History of Africa1989).

Another historian has written that “It was the political domination [of agriculturalists or Bairu and Bahutu] by the pastoralists [Bahororo and their cousins] that brought the two groups [pastoralists and agriculturalists] to live together” (Bethwell A. Ogot Economic and Social History of East Africa 1979). Thus they have avoided marrying Bairu and Bahutu women to keep their secrets about dominating Bahutu and Bairu people and other people in the great lakes region. Conversely, one can argue that Bahororo, Bahima and Batutsi women marry wealthy and/or educated Bairu and Bahutu men largely for political reasons – to get access to Bairu and Bahutu secrets about liberating themselves from Bahororo, Bahima and Batutsi domination.

Here is more information. According to Kinyarwanda law or culture “The punishment for rape depended on the social status of the person involved. Thus if a Hutu raped a Tutsi woman, he was put to death; if a Hutu woman was raped by a Tutsi, the matter would be settled by compensation” (James L. Gibbs Peoples of Africa 1965).

Regarding marriage and ownership of children, “The legality of a marriage depended on the handing over of a bride price by the groom’s father to the bride’s father. The mere performance of the marriage rites did not constitute a legal union. The transfer of bride wealth caused the husband … to acquire an exclusive right on his wife’s reproductive power so as to make him stand out as the legal father (pater) of all children born to the woman, either begotten by himself or by another man” ( James L. Gibbs Peoples of Africa 1965).

Another Kinyarwanda or more specifically Tutsi culture is that a woman is expected to remain virgin until she marries. Therefore “unmarried Tutsi boys would be ‘given’ Hutu girls, temporarily, for sexual purposes”. As noted above “Intermarriage occurred, but usually with successful Hutu men marrying Tutsi women. Tutsi men would take Hutu women as concubines, rather than marrying them” (Neil J. Kressel Mass Hate 2002).

In Ankole although intermarriage was prohibited, “Bairu concubines were especially common among Bahima chiefs and gave rise to a class of half-castes known as Abambari. From the point of view of legal status, the Abambari were classed as Bairu, but personal consideration often modified the strict rigor of the rule” (Ramkrishna Murkherjee Uganda: An Historical Accident? Class, Nation, State Formation 1985).

The analysis above has demonstrated clearly that contrary to popular belief, Bairu and Bahutu women are not ugly otherwise Bahororo, Batutsi and Bahima men including the chiefs (with unlimited access to Bahima, Bahororo and Batutsi women) would not have had sex with them frequently. It means they enjoyed their company and possibly still do! In other words, they do so because in their eyes Bairu and Bahutu women are pretty and that is why Bahororo, Batutsi and Bahima men had sex with them frequently. Those in doubt including Kesaasi take another close look (free of bias) and you will not fail to admire the beauty of Bairu and Bahutu women. Bahororo, Bahima and Batutsi men do not marry Bairu and Bahutu women not because they are ugly but if they married them their secrets about dominating other people in Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi or elsewhere would be exposed.

As we progress into the 21st century, let us hope that the premise of domination that has prevented Bahima, Bahororo and Batutsi from marrying outside their Nilotic ethnic group will become a thing of the past – and pretty soon. The world will be watching.

Eric Kashambuzi

UAH forumist in New York

Museveni has behaved like a colonizer of Uganda

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What we are witnessing is that Ugandans have entered a new phase – a phase where they are asking questions and demanding convincing answers and analyzing issues dialectically to make the absent be the present because the greater part of the truth is in that which is absent, hence examining Museveni’s restoration and expansion of colonial policies.

When Museveni came to power in 1986, he preached what Ugandans wanted to hear – improve education and healthcare, balance production for domestic consumption and export, transform the economy from agriculture to industry and export manufactured products instead of raw materials etc). However, in practice, Museveni has behaved like a colonizer, making many people feel – rightly or wrongly – that he is Rwandese colonizing Uganda with connivance especially of Britain that has supported him even before he became president. Before comparing Museveni policies to those of the colonial regime, let us briefly examine what the British colonizers found at the time of colonization, how it was destroyed and replaced by colonial policies, what Obote and UPC did to undo colonial policies and then examine how Museveni has returned Uganda to the colonial period.

European travelers including Winston Churchill, explorers and missionaries admired what was happening in what later became Uganda. People were enjoying dynamic economies: growing a wide range of crops, livestock and manufacturing a wide range of products based on abundant raw materials. These products were supplemented by a wide range of wild game and fish, fruits and vegetables. Ugandans were dynamic and innovative and were described as the ‘Chinese’ and ‘Japanese’ of Africa. Overall, they ate adequate and balanced diets, enjoyed healthy lives and traded surplus in local and regional markets and accumulated wealth. Bunyoro, Buganda and Busoga were known for the fine quality of their manufactured products. Pre-colonial comparative advantage benefited everyone.

British colonizers came to Uganda in search of food to feed their exploding population, tropical raw materials for their manufacturing enterprises, markets for surplus manufactured products and home for surplus population. Consequently, Britain decided that Uganda would become a producer of raw materials and stop manufacturing enterprises because Britain had a comparative advantage. It decided that Buganda would be the center of export production of cotton and later coffee and other areas would be labor reserves to provide cheap labor to Buganda. White settlers came to Uganda and began plantation agriculture. However, the losses incurred during the economic recession in the early 1920s forced them to abandon agriculture and settlement altogether. After the construction of the Uganda railway, Britain allowed Asians to enter Uganda and dominate commercial and industrial sectors mainly connected with initial stages of agro-processing and manufacture of bulky products that would be expensive to import from Britain.

Law and order was the first priority of colonial administration and crushed any resistance – Bunyoro being the case in point. The best developed institutions were the police, prisons and the judiciary.

Uganda was reduced to producing industrial raw materials (cotton, coffee, tea and tobacco) and foodstuffs for export. These exports left little food of nutritional value and under-nutrition became a problem. Although colonialism ended famines, it introduced endemic hunger caused by eating unbalanced diets mostly of cassava, maize/corn and plantains.

Education was limited largely to primary and vocational training in the areas of carpentry, bricklaying, drivers, primary teachers and low level health workers. Skilled jobs were retained for British expatriates.

When UPC under Obote came to power in 1962, it reformed many colonial policies. Education was expanded to secondary level, hospitals and clinics were built in rural areas, industrial activity was promoted and food security and overall hygiene were improved. Nationalization of the commanding heights of the economy took place and Ugandanization proceeded pretty fast. Because Obote had reformed colonial policies, he was accused of being a ‘dangerous’ socialist working against capitalist interests. Britain played a big role in his overthrow in 1971, ushering in the ‘gentle giant’ named Amin. Contrary to popular belief, Obote was not overthrown by Amin and Ugandans. He was overthrown by western powers using Baganda agitation and desperate Amin as a cover (Amin was about to be arrested).

Notwithstanding Obote’s premature departure, he had accomplished a lot. According to the World Bank report (1993), Uganda’s social indicators improved considerably through low-cost health and nutritional programs. School enrollment improved and Uganda developed a reputation for ‘very high quality’ education. GDP growth averaged 6 percent per annum between 1963 and 1970. Uganda today (2010) has not reached the general standard of living enjoyed in 1970.

Obote II regime emphasized industrialization of Uganda’s economy. However, interruptions caused by western supported guerrilla war, structural adjustment and withdrawal of support by IMF and World Bank and western-engineered military coup in 1985 prevented the implementation of the program. The Obote II regime was overthrown because western powers were “interested in seeing another pliable government come to power in Uganda – strategically important because of its borders with Kenya, Sudan and Zaire” (Victoria Brittain 1988).

Then came Museveni in 1986 with a mixed economy agenda (ten-point program) which he quickly abandoned in favor of a colonial economy model in the form of structural adjustment. Museveni like the British in Uganda emphasized law and order and would not tolerate resistance to his rule, hence more than 20 years of destructive war in northern and eastern Uganda and penetration of the rest of Uganda by security agents. Like in colonial days, police, prisons and the judiciary have been developed to deal with criminal activities and attempts to destabilize the regime.

Museveni’s economic policy went back to Ricardian classical economics of static comparative advantage turning Uganda once again into a full blown producer of coffee, cotton, tea and tobacco. Museveni went further and added a new dimension of non-traditional exports (NTEs). Foodstuffs traditionally produced for domestic consumption like beans, maize/corn and fish have become export crops. Ugandans have been reduced to eating cassava, maize and plantains (like in colonial days) without adequate nutrient supplements. Like in colonial days under-nutrition has returned with a vengeance.

Through a policy of trade liberalization, Uganda’s manufacturing enterprises have been closed or driven out of the country and the remaining are operating far below installed capacity largely as a result of unfair competition by cheap imports especially used products like clothing. Cheap powdered milk has outcompeted fresh milk dealing a heavy blow to domestic milk production.

Uganda had attained a reputation for quality education in spite of the political economy difficulties between 1971 and 1985. On advice from foreign experts, Museveni, like the British colonial administration, decided to focus on primary education and devalued post primary education by imposing tuition fees and other charges beyond the reach of many students. Primary education has been poorly managed resulting in very high dropout rate. And most graduates are functionally illiterate and unemployable.

As in colonial days, Museveni decided to reserve skilled jobs to western experts particularly from Britain. The most important Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development and the Central Bank are staffed by western experts, advisers and supervisors (Sebastian Mallaby 2004). Qualified Ugandans are languishing at home or working outside. In an interview in 1993, Museveni stated categorically that he was not interested in the return of qualified and experienced Ugandans in the diaspora. He advised them to stay there, make money and send remittances home as their contribution to national reconstruction and development. He then recruited his guerrilla fighters most of them poorly trained and inexperienced. Filling strategic posts was based on loyalty rather than competence – hence medical doctors becoming minister of finance and marketing corporation. Museveni invited foreign experts to take up positions he could not fill with guerrilla fighters, thus restoring the colonial policy of expatriates occupying skilled jobs.

Not least, Museveni invited Asians back and returned their properties possibly including those that had been compensated, denationalized foreign enterprises and returned them to former foreign owners making Britain the largest investor in Uganda.

Ugandans can now see why Museveni still has the backing of western powers and corporations in spite of his poor performance and unpopularity among Ugandans. Museveni has been the champion of neo-colonialism based on market forces and laissez faire capitalism.

Western retention of Museveni in power will ensure the continuation of the neo-colonial trajectory – not the improvement in the standard of living of the majority of Ugandans. Thus, elections which western countries have insisted on are designed to hoodwink Ugandans. Should he become first president of the East African political federation, chances are that Museveni will extend neo-colonial policies to the entire great lakes region. Eat Africans beware of what you are getting into.

ERIC KASHAMBUZI

Museveni misled the people of Uganda

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Senior Policy Advisor, United Nations Millennium Project

Many Ugandans have been disappointed by Museveni’s government in large part because they do not understand why he came to power. Museveni, like Mobutu and Amin before him, came to power at the height of Cold War confrontations between capitalism and socialism. The return of Obote as president in 1980 represented a return of socialism to Uganda which had been defeated in 1971 using Amin. Western powers and corporate interests were alarmed by the return of socialism to Uganda through the return of Obote as president after 1980 elections. Obote was still considered a socialist. Museveni, like Amin, was used by western capitalist forces to remove socialism by ousting its agent – President Obote. Since these western interests were not going to send European troops to the jungles of Luwero, Museverni appealed to disgruntled Ugandans especially Baganda and Catholics to join him in ousting Obote who had ‘stolen’ the 1980 elections although certified by the Commonwealth observer team that has certified Museveni’s victories since the 1996 elections.

Because of their deep resentment of Obote, Baganda who lost their kingdom and a referendum on ‘lost counties’ allowed Museveni to use their territory in the Luwero Triangle to wage a destructive guerrilla war against Obote and the UPC’s government. Catholics who had lost the 1980 elections also joined Museveni’s guerrilla forces. Both Baganda and Catholics did not bother to look beyond the ouster of Obote. To them that was it! Consequently, Baganda and Catholics and later Protestants and Muslims who also joined, did not understand that the guerrilla war was funded and directed to fight socialism and restore capitalism. Ugandans’ interests, if at all, were accidental.

When Museveni and NRM captured power, he introduced the ten-point program for the transformation of Uganda’s economy and society. But this was written to attract supporters to the guerrilla cause, not to be implemented after the war was over. The document was even finalized in Austria! We do not know what conditions were attached to it. What we know is that the document contained a mixed economy strategy for the implementation of the program. A mixed economy by definition has state involvement in the economy and to capitalists state participation means socialism. Western powers would not tolerate that. They refused to give Museveni financial and technical assistance until he had prepared an acceptable alternative through the IMF that met the conditions of western donors. This message was conveyed to Museveni by Linda Chalker, then minister in Thatcher government. Margaret Thatcher was determined to end socialism, reintroduce capitalism through the invisible hand of market forces and laissez faire capitalism. This is the message that Linda Chalker delivered to Museveni and ensured it was implemented.

The ten-point program was replaced by structural adjustment program (SAP) after signing the agreement with the IMF in 1987. Western interests in (SAP) contrasted with those of Ugandans as contained in the ten-point program that was abandoned. Institutional and staff changes were also made to accommodate SAP. The socialist-oriented Minister of Finance and Governor of the Central Bank were replaced by surrogates of Western interests. A new and powerful Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development was created and empowered to run Uganda’s economy along capitalist lines. The Central Bank which was controlled by IMF was made independent of Uganda government. It focused on the IMF‘s preferred inflation control at the expense of full employment.

One of the conditions of structural adjustment is that countries receiving Western aid “rely heavily on foreign experts to guide development and ensure efficient project selection” (John Brohman 1996). Consequently, Uganda’s economy was handed over to donors especially IMF and World Bank that designed policies and projects that catered for Western interests at the expense of Ugandans’. The Asians were invited back and regained their properties including possibly those that had been compensated and European companies regained their enterprises. British presence became visible. Linda Chalker became a close adviser to the president, Paul Collier was heavily involved in designing Uganda’s macroeconomic policy and William Pike managed the New Vision newspaper with the largest circulation in the country. Young British economists occupied strategic positions in the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development and directed Uganda’s economy (Sebastian Mallaby 2004) without adequate knowledge of Uganda’s history and culture.

A capitalist structural adjustment policy was prepared. It privatized Uganda’s public assets, opened Uganda’s economy to the world and diversified exports that included traditionally produced foodstuffs for domestic consumption such as beans, maize/corn and fish. Trade Unions that protect workers’ interests were severely curtailed and employers were empowered under principles of labor flexibility to hire and fire at will and pay wages at or below subsistence level. Immigrant workers were allowed to enter and work in Uganda under a liberal immigration policy. The role of the state in economic activities was virtually eliminated. Market forces and laissez faire capitalism had full reign over Uganda’s economy hoping that through a trickle down mechanism, the benefits of economic growth would trickle to the rest of the economy and the population which sadly has not happened since 1987. Social sectors of education, healthcare and housing etc that were considered unproductive in the short run were starved of funds and that is why they are on the verge of total collapse.

Cheap imports including second hand clothes knocked many local industries out of business and forced others to perform below installed capacity and to lay off workers. High interest rates to reduce money in the economy and keep inflation low made it difficult for small and medium enterprises that create jobs to borrow and open up new businesses or expand existing ones. Balanced budget as a requirement under SAP resulted in massive retrenchment of public servants, creating the ‘new poor” in Uganda society. The export of food resulted in shortages in Uganda markets pushing up prices beyond the means of many households, creating unprecedented hunger, under-nutrition and nutrition related diseases including neurological abnormalities such as insanity made worse by stress. To increase export production, large swathes of land were cleared of vegetation leading to soil erosion, adverse hydrological and thermal changes as manifested by frequent droughts and floods and associated food shortages.

Meanwhile Museveni’s attention was directed to religious wars in Sudan between Muslims in the north and Christians in the south, Anglo-Saxon and French wars in Rwanda and ultimately in Zaire/DRC that ousted Mobutu and caused Africa’s First World War. At the same time the war in the north and east of Uganda raged on. Human and financial resources were drained from Uganda’s economic and social development to war efforts. When the wars in the Great Lakes Region abated another one was opening up in Somalia. Again Museveni who was installed to safeguard European interests was called upon to send troops to Somalia only to have Uganda’s capital city of Kampala attacked by Somali terrorists with heavy casualties some of them fatal.

Thus, as long as Museveni continues to serve western interests satisfactorily he will be re-elected again and again. Make no mistake about that. Museveni will exit Uganda’s State House and handover the $80 million presidential jet only when western powers who installed him feel he has served his term and should go. But before we propose what should be done to pressure western powers to let Museveni go soonest and possibly in 2011, let us look briefly at how Museveni came to power and what has sustained him there for twenty five years.

For those Ugandans who still do not know who installed Museveni into power and why he has been engaged in regional wars that are of no interest to Uganda, read the following quotation very carefully. “War for the control of the Democratic Republic of Congo – what should be the richest country in the world – began in Uganda in the 1980s, when now Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni shot his way to power with the backing of Buckingham Palace, the White House and Tel Aviv behind him.

Paul Kagame now president of Rwanda served as Museveni’s Director of Military Intelligence. Kagame later trained at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas [USA], before the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) – backed by Roger Winter, the U.S. Committee on refugees, and the others above – invaded Rwanda. The RPF destabilized and then secured Rwanda. This coup d’etat is today misunderstood as the ‘Rwandan genocide’. What played out in Rwanda in 1994 is now playing out in Darfur, Sudan; regime change is the goal, ‘genocide’ is the tool of propaganda used to manipulate and disinform.

In 1996, Paul Kagame and Yoweri Museveni, with the Pentagon behind them, launched their covert war against Zaire’s Mobutu Sese Seko and his western backers. A decade later, there are 6 or 7 million dead, at the very least, and the war in Congo (Zaire) continues” (Peter Phillips 2006). Museveni has sent Uganda troops to Somalia to protect western interests. In return western interests have kept Museveni in power. That is the story.

Musevedni was installed by western powers that used Uganda guerrillas because they could not send European troops to Luwero jungles. Uganda guerrillas were thus used in a war that was not meant to serve their interests. No wonder there is bitterness. Although Museveni is very unpopular and western groups know it (and Museveni knows it too) he will stay in power as long as Europeans feel that domestic resistance is not strong enough to force their hand and let Museveni go.

Ugandans therefore need to do two things simultaneously: to form a solid coalition of opposition that will demonstrate determination to drive Museveni out of power with or without western help. Once western interests realize that Ugandans are very serious and mean what they are saying, they will let Museveni go to safeguard their interests in Uganda. So Ugandans help western powers to decide quickly by overcoming your differences and putting up a strong frontal attack against Museveni and warn western powers that if they do not act quickly chances are that their competitors such as the Chinese, the Indians and the Russians etc will be approached for help. Given Uganda’s strategic significance and abundant natural resources including oil, it will not be difficult to get non-western support.

Eric Kashambuzi

Museveni underestimated the people of Uganda

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Eric Kashambuzi

Museveni came to power with a feudal mentality of governance. Feudalism was a system of political, economic and social organization in medieval Europe made up of three classes: the clergy who prayed and cared for the souls; the lords who governed and fought; and the serfs or peasants the majority who worked for the other two classes through exploitative tribute and tithes.

The feudal system was introduced in the great lakes region by Batutsi in Rwanda (especially) and Burundi, Bahima in Ankole and Bahororo in Rujumbura. Batutsi, Bahima and Bahororo were the lords and fighters and Bahutu and Bairu (slaves of the lords) the workers who paid exploitative tribute to the lords in foodstuffs, drinks and free labor including carrying lords and their family members in litters and/or their luggage when they travelled. The clergy and tithes were added to peasants’ burden during the colonial rule. As in medieval Europe the clergy preached peasants (and still do) not to worry about earthly material things and to suffer pain on earth for their rewards are in the kingdom of heaven. The story of a camel going through the eye of the needle conveys this message of hardship on earth very well.

With roots in Rujumbura and Ankole and familiarity with royal courts and feudal system and how Bahima and Bahororo rulers had worked with the clergy to squeeze peasants economically, socially and politically and keep them voiceless and powerless, Museveni decided to extend the feudal system in southwest Uganda to the rest of the country when he became president. He wanted to rule for a long time without resistance from the majority of Ugandans who are peasants.

As president, Museveni quickly formed three classes as in feudal Europe: lords made up of Bahororo, Bahima and their in-laws that are governing Uganda and commanding the military and other security forces and controlling strategic ministries; clergy of Protestant and Catholic bishops (whom Museveni has corrupted with Pajeros, jobs and an assortment of gifts including cows and brown envelops) who are praying for the souls of peasants and reminding them that their reward is in the kingdom of heaven; and peasants the main producers of goods and services for the comfort of lords and the clergy. Consequently, as in medieval Europe, Uganda peasants are being exploited through a wide range of taxes to raise government revenue to provide comfort for the lords and tithes to the church for the comfort of bishops and free labor on public works. Despite their hard work, Uganda peasants are poor, hungry and sick because of ruthless exploitation through these government and church taxes. If Ugandans have noticed, some bishops of Uganda today, unlike in the past, have become very rich.

To keep peasants obedient and follow his orders particularly at election time, Museveni embarked on a long term program of impoverishing them. He killed cooperatives and extension services and drastically reduced budgets for agriculture and rural development so that peasant’s productivity and income remain low (Museveni has emphasized the development of services in towns that benefit Uganda elite and foreign workers and 70 percent of Uganda’s GDP is generated in Kampala City with a population of under two million out of 33 million Ugandans).

Museveni urged peasants to produce for cash and not for the stomach so he generates foreign currency, leaving insufficient food at household level with all nutritional problems and ill health. He refused to provide NEPAD approved lunches that keep children in school and improve their performance especially girls (there was no need for Museveni to ask the World Bank to make recommendations on school lunches because they have worked in developed and developing countries. He did this to pre-empt debate on the importance of school lunches during the campaign for 2011 elections). Museveni drastically reduced health budget and introduced user fees for consultation and medicines, making access to health services unaffordable for most peasants. Similarly education was starved of funds and introduction of user fees and abandonment of some schools kept many peasant children out of school. Through labor flexibility, employers have hired and fired at will and paid wages at or below subsistence level.

The outcome of this policy has been high levels of absolute poverty at over 50 percent, rising unemployment, rising school dropout and rising early marriage, rising hunger, rising infant and maternal mortality and rising diseases of poverty such as jiggers, sexually transmitted diseases and scabies etc among peasants. However, Museveni forgot (or ignored) the historical fact that when peasants are hungry and feel they have been squeezed in other ways they get cranky causing problems for governments. Uganda peasants are on the verge of getting cranky – they are hungry and angry because they feel they are overexploited, impoverished and are losing the only asset they have: land e.g. through municipal expansion into rural areas in some cases without consultations as in Rukungiri. The NRM primary election that saw ministers and senior MPs lose is a signal of what lies in store.

Using security forces and bishops and resistance political system, Museveni virtually destroyed pre-independence parties of Uganda Peoples’ Congress (UPC) and Democratic Party (DP) that had been built on support of followers of Anglican and Catholic faiths. He created a one party political system: the National Resistance Movement (NRM) which he has headed as chairman and led with an iron fist since its creation.

Having severely wounded UPC and DP and strangled FDC, Museveni thought he could dictate what goes on in NRM, kick out of parliament those he does not like and retain those he likes and bring in new ones he can count on or force as necessary to push his agenda through parliament. The rising number of independent NRM candidates is a clear signal that Museveni has a revolt in his closet which if combined with peasant anger could turn into a revolution in the near future.

Museveni who claims to be a historian should study carefully the role of peasants in the ending of the feudal system in Europe and peasants and enlightenment thinkers in the French Revolution. Ugandans have entered the age of reason or enlightenment where they will not accept anything that comes from Uganda leaders including Museveni himself. They will ask questions and demand convincing answers. Failure to respond will result in undermining the authority of Uganda leaders.

Museveni should also study carefully the role of the imperial guard, the military and external factor in the overthrow of the Ethiopian monarchy. The imperial guard stood by as junior military officers dragged the Emperor from his palace and drove him away in a beetle Volkswagen (he was used to riding in Rolls Royce). Western powers that had backed the Ethiopian Emperor for decades withdrew support and blamed him for failing to care for his people especially during the famine of the 1970s. Museveni therefore cannot rely too heavily on his security forces including his presidential guard and donor support. They could slip out of his hands given how unpopular Museveni has become.

Eric Kashambuzi

UAH forumist working with UN in New York

If SDP quits IPC, it will be a big relief to IPC

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It is inconsequential for IPC to collapse now. 60% of the objectives of setting up IPC have been achieved. The issue of IPC is not based on the parties but on the voters. Even with out IPC, the voters will automatically form their own IPC. I have observed and listened to voters here but they all agree that the issue is not parties but the desire to see Museveni out.
You will be surprised that one will vote against Museveni and then vote in an NRM MP. At the same time you will see one voting in KB  and a DP MP.

On Ssematimba, I believe his relationship with NRM stems back from his days with Cbs. Him and Mulindwa Muwonge left cbs with a disgruntled mind and were quickly used to fight Mengo by using Ssematimba’s super fm. I remember one time when museveni was pushing for the regional tier, his special press conference was attended by among others; Mulindwa Muwonge, Tamale Mirundi, Robert Ssebunya and Ofono Opondo. It seems therefore automatic that when time came for Ssematimba to join politics, he had to join his masters.

If SDP quits IPC, it will be a big relief to IPC. If anything, we dont want IPC to be associated with confused people like Mabike. If he quits, then Lukwago’s issue will be settled and he will automatically be the mayor. SDP alone is weaker than Bwanika’s PDP. It can however win some positions at local council levels such as councilors and LC 1 leadership.
By the way, doesn’t the IPC protocol provide for suspension from the co-operation? I think it would be wise to suspend SDP before they even think of quiting.
Jude Mayanja

Bahima and Bahororo Museveni Plan Revealed

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 Dear Ugandans,

Ugandans must begin to think dialectically.Dialectics is the art or practice that helps to understand that we are not always told the truth. Dialectics therefore helps us to get to the truth by making sure that the absent is made the present because the greater part of the truth is in that which is absent.

Since colonial days Ugandans have been largely conditioned to obey what the teacher, or priest and increasingly Museveni says. Our history is still based on what John Hanning Speke (1863) and his aristocratic European and African followers connected with the royal courts wrote. They came up with the Hamitic Myth that Bahima and their Batutsi, Bahororo and Banyamulenge cousins are ‘white’ people, more intelligent, physically attractive and born to rule and that they brought civilization to the ‘Dark Continent’ then occupied by Negroes (black people).

By contrast, they emphasized that the Negroes were short with round heads and thick noses, unintelligent and born to be ruled and to serve as slaves (Bairu) of the ruling hamitic people. Although these stereotypes have been discredited with scientific evidence and performance at school and at work, Bahororo and their cousins of Nilotic Luo-speaking ancestry from Bahr-el Ghazel in southern Sudan (not Ethiopia as Speke wrote) have insisted they are superior and will rule in perpetuity wherever they happen to be, hence the idea of Tutsi Empire in the Great Lakes region.

The sad part is that Ugandans who are very well qualified, knowledgeable and experienced have acquiesced, allowing people with dubious qualifications to mess up the country. Those in Uganda look around you and what do you see: half naked people; some being consumed by jiggers; hungry people; sick people; school dropout people and unemployed people.  Why should Museveni be given another five years? Because he has very little to offer, Museveni has come up with the idea of sending Ugandans to the moon if reelected! This shows how Museveni despises Ugandans.

In order to revamp their dominance that had been declining since independence, Museveni and his cousins realized that democracy based on majority rule would disadvantage them because of their numerical inferiority (they had seen what happened in Rwanda in 1959). They decided on the military option in alliance with western backers. They played on the frustration of Baganda and Catholics (who had been denied access to political gains by Obote). Museveni stressed the false message that they went to the bush to overthrow an illegitimate regime of Obote after the 1980 elections. The real objective was for Bahororo of Ankole and Rujumbura to regain power which they lost when Mpororo kingdom disintegrated in mid-18th century and their territory was taken over by Bahima under Bahinda clan. Bahororo in Ankole demanded a separate district out of Ankole during negotiations leading up to independence but did not succeed. This might explain why Ankole did not regain its kingdom!

Sadly, Ugandans did not ask why Museveni had gone to Tanzania in the 1960s to principally undergo military and revolutionary training and actual participation in fighting alongside liberation fighters in southern Africa. This decision was taken 20 years before the so-called 1980 rigged elections! Museveni should have gone to Makerere to study economics and political science where they were more developed than at Dar College. The Dar campus of then East African University specialized in law.

The Commonwealth observers certified the 1980 elections and confirmed Obote victory. Observers from the Commonwealth have been in Uganda to observe elections since Museveni came to power and have certified them and confirmed Museveni victory. When asked whether he rigged elections, Museveni has always denied because the Commonwealth observers certified his victory.  So why did Museveni embark on such a destructive guerrilla war in 1981 when the Commonwealth observers had declared Obote victory in 1980?

Ugandans should have raised dialectical questions why Museveni actually went to war. If they had linked his military training in the 1960s they would have realized that he had goals other than toppling Obote and would probably have refused to join him in a destructive war. Ugandans also did not ask why guerrilla commanders and chiefs of intelligence and counterintelligence were Bahima, Bahororo and Batutsi refugees while other Ugandans were given diplomatic, political and administrative responsibilities far away from the armoury.

When NRM captured power in 1986 Museveni and his inner circle came up with ideas that should have raised an alarm if Ugandans thought dialectically. The idea of individual merit was designed to facilitate Museveni in appointing Bahororo, Bahima and Batutsi in key and strategic positions, arguing that they were the only qualified individuals on the block. That is why key institutions and ministries are staffed with Bahororo, Bahima and Batutsi or in-laws (no disrespect, we are just reporting facts). For instance, look at the ministry of foreign affairs at home and in diplomatic missions abroad. Do not go by the official diplomats list presented on a regional basis. Some who are registered as Baganda and easterners could be Bahororo, or Batutsi whose ancestors migrated there and have remained Nilotic in identity because men do not marry outside of their ethnic Nilotic group. Look below the surface and you may get a shock.

Through historian advisers (and he has hired many of them) Museveni has identified Batutsi, Bahima and Bahororo in all parts of Uganda, in the great lakes region and in the diaspora. These people speak local languages and adopt local names but have retained their Nilotic identity. Museveni has also identified men that have married Bahororo, Batutsi and Bahima women (the in-laws) and given them important posts because when they marry these women men become ‘Tutsified’ and abandon their ancestral relations. It is rumored that many men are being enticed to marry Bahororo, Batutsi and Bahima women in order to have easy access to state house and eat big!

In other countries citizens demand to know the background including ancestry and education etc of their leaders and to even protest some appointments when they are not satisfied with the choices. In Uganda because we lack a dialectical mind we take things at face value.  Vetting by Uganda Parliament is a formality. Consequently, you may find that people who pose as Baganda or Itesot are actually Batutsi, Bahima and Bahororo except that they reside in Buganda or Teso etc, speak local language and have a local name and nothing else. Ugandans should begin to look into these matters so that the country is not hijacked now that we know the trick being used. 

At face value, the ideas that Ugandans should move and settle anywhere in the country to consolidate national unity and peasants should sell their land and start business in towns to get out of poverty trap sound progressive indeed.  The expansion of municipalities deep into rural areas has been hailed as a welcome innovation that will permit investors to develop land and create jobs.

What we are witnessing is that the rich who are connected to the first family and in-laws are acquiring land at frightening speed, pastoralists are occupying land (Buliisa case) they judge to be unoccupied and Batutsi are back in Uganda and in some parts like those in Ntungamo they already outnumber indigenous people and are speaking Kinyarwanda language. Museveni knows that once you are landless and functionally illiterate, you are finished. You are voiceless and powerless and he can do whatever he wants with you including forcing you to vote for him. If Ugandans had searched for what was not being said they probably would have rejected these ideas (or modified them) that are now causing trouble. It will be a miracle if Balaalo left Buliisa! 

Ugandans should have known that focusing on primary education, denying repeating classes and refusing to give school lunches was a wrong policy. We have ended up with many dropouts (hungry children cannot stay in school) and illiterate primary graduates. Museveni introduced school fees in higher education knowing full well that bright students from poor families would not afford. Those with money would ‘buy’ education, hence evening classes at Makerere as we are told. That is why we have ended up with university graduates many of whom cannot tell you exactly which courses they studied. I have come across many Uganda graduates at UN meetings and at home. When you converse with them you really wonder how they graduated and got such important jobs. Some who join diplomatic missions go back to school leaving their seats in conference halls empty. And they still get paid for work they did not do!

When the idea of cultural leaders was introduced, Ugandans should have realized that Museveni had hidden something. All over the place we are now getting kings. If not mistaken, I gather Banyakigezi are demanding a cultural head. Soon the whole country will have kings who probably will replace LC 5 chair persons as district leaders. Museveni does some tricky and sensitive things incrementally.

NRM as a political institution was designed to kill UPC and DP. The leadership of DP was excited that UPC had been defeated and rushed to join NRM without checking what could have been hidden from them. Protestant bishops who were the bedrock of UPC were bribed en masse with Pajeros (I know only one bishop who did not get a Pajero) and other gifts and abandoned UPC in large numbers. UPC and DP as we knew them are dead – forever! Catholics got juicy jobs and boasted it was their turn to ‘eat’ (if you did not understand what was going on don’t get offended but learn from that error). It appears the time of eating big may be slowing down. Had Ugandans looked at this whole thing dialectically our country would probably be a better place today.  

Ugandans should have seen that Museveni’s decentralization policy was not to bring services closer to the people but to weaken national unity efforts as different tribes were compartmentalized into virtually watertight economically unviable districts. That is what British colonial administration did and has caused national disunity since then.  Greedy individuals who focus on parliamentary seats have missed the larger and negative picture of economic un-viability that frustrates efforts to bring services closer to the people. At the same time Museveni is relentlessly pushing for larger entities at the East African economic integration and political federation levels. Dividing Uganda into ‘tribal’ districts gives Museveni control over Ugandans while creating East African economic integration and political federation advance his dream of Tutsi Empire! The military option has not worked so far but may not be off the table. Can’t Ugandans and other East Africans see this contradiction between dividing Uganda into tiny political units called districts while at the same time fighting for a larger East African political federation?  

The good news is that Ugandans have just entered the enlightenment phase and are now questioning the status quo. They want to know who is governing them, their ancestry and what they stand for. Matters that were taboo are now open to question. That is why Uganda leaders including political party heads are under scrutiny.

Museveni’s disastrous leadership of Uganda since 1986 has removed lingering doubts that Bahororo and their cousins were born to rule. Being a successful guerrilla fighter does not necessarily mean that one can succeed as head of state. Museveni would possibly have done better had he remained army commander. He did not have civilian governance experience and did not take advice. That explains in part why Uganda is in a mess as outlined above. Let me add the ecological component to complete the picture of failures.

Ecologically you will see that the river near your home has dried up, the spring well is gone, rainfall does not come at the right time and when it does it is too heavy and destroys crops and washes away soil. The dry season that used to be mild is now so dry that animals and crops die causing hunger and loss of income.  Warnings have been given but environmental management is not on Museveni’s priority list.

Because Museveni has run out of ideas he has suggested that if reelected he will send Ugandans to the moon! What makes Ugandans think that Museveni, if reelected and keeps the same cabinet (which he will), will do better than he has done over the last twenty five years?  A coalition with a clear goal to bring in well educated, experienced and ‘clean’ individuals might help.

In the final analysis Uganda needs to be saved from itself. Fortunately, Uganda still has well qualified and experienced people whose hands and souls are still clean. Ugandans must overcome fear and express their dialectical opinions to balance the conversation so that Ugandans take informed decisions. Messages coming through are clear: Ugandans do not always have to be ruled by those who brandish guns for democracy at gun point will fail in the long term.

ERIC KASHAMBUZI

erickashambuzi@yahoo.com

UAH FORUMIST and a development consultant living in New York

If Museveni is reelected Uganda’s future will get worse

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Dear fellow Ugandans,

Many Ugandans and some non-Ugandans especially from the great lakes region believe – rightly or wrongly – that Museveni will do everything to get reelected to avoid being dragged to the International Criminal Court (ICC) on allegations of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. He will also ensure that he gets over two-thirds of NRM candidates elected so that Parliament rubber stamps his decisions. Then the following will likely occur as mentioned in conversations so far.

1. The defeated Ugandans will adopt a passive resistance strategy that will further cripple the economy that is already in bad shape with over 55 percent of Ugandans living below the poverty line.

2. Museveni will basically retain his present core cabinet of ‘yes men and women’ who will continue to tell him what he wants to hear. He will likely create a new ministry of petroleum or expand the current ministry of energy and appoint one of his closest relatives turning oil revenue from a savior to a curse for Ugandans.

3. The economy will continue to be foreign managed increasingly by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) along market forces and private sector doctrine, regardless of World Bank rhetoric about narrowing income gaps. Ugandans in the powerful ministry of finance and central bank that think like World Bank and IMF staff will be retained and line ministries will continue to be marginalized particularly agriculture, education and health that impact poor people’s lives directly. Peasants will continue to be pushed to grow for cash rather than the stomach leaving little for domestic consumption and none for school lunches that improve attendance and performance especially of girls as confirmed by NEPAD.

4. Uganda’s economy will continue to run on Washington Consensus principles of macroeconomic stability particularly low inflation and high interest rates to discourage borrowing thereby reducing money in circulation, balanced budgets and civil servant retrenchment, economic liberalization including free trade, VAT that disadvantages low income consumers, labor flexibility that keeps wages low and subjects workers to dismissal at will by employers, export-orientation along static comparative advantage lines based on raw materials and foodstuffs, foreign direct investment and private entrepreneurship.

5. The state will continue to take a back seat in economic matters along neo-liberal lines and stay away from essential stimulus arrangements that are necessary to address the acute unemployment problems especially of Uganda’s young men and women.

6. The five-year development plan will be forgotten (we have not heard about it since its launch in 2009), except that birth control or family planning will take center stage to curb poor people from producing too many mouths that will compete with the rich for scarce resources. Targeting a particular group could amount to genocide.

7. Museveni will continue to divide up Uganda into more tiny and economically unviable districts and municipalities that will not be able to bring services closer to the people as theoretically intended due to acute shortages of financial resources and trained human power.

8. To divert attention from mushrooming domestic problems, Museveni will focus on anti-terrorism activities and East African Community matters and political federation issues whose exact net positive benefits to Ugandans have yet to be spelt out. Getting an East African passport and moving freely in the region is not a sufficient condition for economic integration and political federation. East Africans with better skills and vocational training than Ugandans will benefit at Ugandans’ expense. Changes in land ownership may also severely disadvantage Ugandans whose neighbors suffer acute land shortage. Ugandans and indeed East Africans need to pause and draw lessons from regions such as NAFTA and EU that have been involved in economic and/or political integration processes for quite some time. The way the political federation has been approached on a fast track basis is like constructing a house beginning with a roof, then the walls and finally the foundation. Such a building is likely to crumble before it is completed or will do so shortly after. Patience is of the essence in this regard, witness the approach Southern African Development Community (SADC) has taken.

9. Museveni will also continue to preach about plans to land Ugandans on the moon. He always comes up with such ideas to show that Uganda is a great country under his leadership. In the past he has lectured about Uganda being a donor country providing financial assistance to developed nations!

10. Museveni is likely to come under tremendous pressure to sell large chunks of Uganda land to foreign states or companies to grow food to feed their own people. There are Ugandan and foreign advisers who believe – incorrectly – that the future of Uganda’s agriculture is in large-scale and mechanized farming. There is indisputable evidence that small holder farmers are productive, efficient and environmentally friendly and socially least destabilizing. That is why the G8 agreed to support small holder agriculture with an initial contribution of $20 billion. Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) and United Nations General Assembly have also endorsed support for small holder agriculture and related activities such as agro-processing. Land is an asset which cannot be sold to foreigners. Thus, all Ugandans should stand together and oppose the president. Under present circumstances, without land there is no Uganda and no Ugandans – pure and simple! The world witnessed the nasty political outcome when the government of Madagascar sold a large chunk of the country to South Korean company to grow food for Korean consumers. Ugandans should not lose sight of this lesson. Ugandans should prevent decisions of this kind from being taken.

To avoid all these troubles, some voices have raised the possibility of a coalition government of all stakeholders in Uganda. Coalitions are fraught with difficulties but there are moments as in the United Kingdom, Kenya and Zimbabwe right now when they are inescapable. Museveni should lead discussions along these lines with full support and participation of opposition leaders to achieve peace, tranquility and common prosperity for present and future generations. Development partners are welcome to extend a helping hand in this effort.

Eric Kashambuzi

Eric Kashambuzi is the UN Liaison for Millennium Promise and Principal Advisor to the CEO. Previously, Mr. Kashambuzi served the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) as a focal point for intergovernmental affairs involving work of the General Assembly, Economic and Social Council and Security Council. His long career with the UN also included working in the secretariat servicing the UNDP and United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) Executive Board. Since 2004, Mr. Kashambuzi has served as Senior Policy Advisor to the United Nations Millennium Project and later to the Bureau of Development Planning in the UNDP.

Mr. Kashambuzi has written and published many articles on African development and has authored four books on the subject. He has been a guest speaker at MIT, Harvard University, Columbia University, McGill University, Brandeis University, Mount Holyoke and Smith Colleges as well as the Hunger Project Conference and the Convention of Ugandans living in North America.

Mr. Kashambuzi holds degrees in geography, economics, demography, and international law and diplomacy from University of Nairobi (Kenya), University of California, Berkeley (USA) and Universiy of Lusaka (Zambia). His academic career also includes teaching geography and economics at the University of Nairobi and the University of Addis Ababa.

What to avoid in next Uganda government

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Dear editor,

This message is not meant to criticize NRM government per se. Rather it is to help draw lessons about what not to repeat in future. It is now recognized that NRM government has performed much below expectation and the overall standard of living of Ugandans has not attained the level reached in 1970. So what has gone wrong?
1. Recruitment, promotion and reassignment have been  based on loyalty, friendship and closeness to the first family  and not on competence and experience. Those associated with UPC and Protestant Faith at home and abroad have by and large been left out or marginalized.
2. Ignoring agriculture, cooperatives and agro-based  industries that create jobs and transform national economies in favor of services in urban areas particularly Kampala was a big mistake. Uganda is not Singapore.
3. Over-reliance on very expensive foreign experts mostly young, inexperienced and without sufficient knowledge of Uganda’s history and culture resulted in many experiments such as structural adjustment (sap) with serious adverse outcomes. For details read chapter 8: The World’s Banker by Sebastian Mallaby 2004.
4. Uganda’s liberal policy on migrants and refugees has resulted in too many foreigners taking up jobs and land at the expense of Ugandans contributing to high unemployment especially of youth now at over 80 percent and political problems.
5. Labor flexibility policy and weakening of trade unions enabled employers to hire and fire Ugandans at will and to pay at or below subsistence level.
6. Free trade in a globalizing world economy has undermined Uganda’s ‘infant’ industries most of which have gone out of business or are operating below installed capacity. For example, second-hand clothes have crippled Uganda’s textile industries. WTO rules allow protection of domestic industries against unfair competition which Uganda did not apply.
7. Keeping inflation low and stable at 5 percent has meant very high interest rates that have discouraged borrowing and investing in small and medium-sized industries that create jobs hence high unemployment.
8. Unplanned urban development e.g.in Kampala has resulted in blocking water drainage channels and clearing wetlands/swamps causing frequent floods.
9. Exporting foodstuffs traditionally produced for domestic consumption such as fish, beans and maize/corn has contributed to serious food shortages and raised prices beyond the means of many Ugandans, hence high levels of food insecurity and malnutrition that have contributed to increasing levels of insanity.
10. Focusing on mass education at primary level in an increasingly knowledge-based global economy was unwise. India is becoming a great power in large part because its education concentrated on technical and science subjects based on London’s Imperial College and MIT in USA model.
10. Denying children school lunches that improve attendance and performance especially of girls has resulted in many dropping out of school, marrying early and producing many children they cannot afford. Birth control pills have caused serious problems including losing sexual interest.
11. Leaving Uganda’s economy to market forces and private sector has led to serious difficulties. The strategic role of government must be established in next government. The five-year development plan should help in this regard.
12. Encouraging Ugandans to work abroad and send remittances home to boost foreign currency has resulted in heavy brain drain of highly qualified and experienced Ugandans leaving the country in mostly unqualified and inexperienced hands that do not care about quality of performance because they are well connected. 
13. Land is Uganda’s only asset and must not be sold or leased to foreigners. Ugandans must be firm on that. Peasants should also minimize selling land to rich Ugandans who then do not use it.
14. Small scale farmers are productive, efficient, environmentally and socially friendly when assisted by government. This sector has been neglected.

15. Neglecting infrastructure such as roads, appropriate energy and institutions has undermined Uganda’s development.

16. Dividing Uganda into too many districts that are economically unviable has been a major error. They have no money and therefore cannot bring services closer to people as theoretically intended.
17. without ending corruption and sectarianism the future of Uganda will remain very bleak.
18. Cost-benefit analysis of East African Economic Community and Political Federation have not been definitively determined particularly regarding land and jobs. It is important that this be done before formal agreements are entered into. Uganda should draw lessons from European Union and NAFTA experiences.
19. Security forces must be used to protect lives and property of Ugandans and not be used as instruments of suppression against dissent to government policies.
20. Democracy at gun point should be avoided in future.

Eric Kashambuzi

erickashambuzi@yahoo.com

Nambooze Does Not Need Mao to Be Voted in Mukono

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Dear Ugandans,

Some DP supporters do have this false faith in part politics and party loyalty without knowing if actually party politics work in Mukono and also in Uganda generally.Mukono politics is not based on political parties as people give their allegiance to individuals and not to political parties.For instance,Muyanja Senyonga has always been voted as an individual and not as NRM person. Muyanja Senyonga is a great supporter of Betty Nambooze and he has always been there for her in the good and bad days.Betty Nambooze and Senyonga both have supporters who are torn between NRM and the opposition.

I want you to understand that Nambooze was not elected by the people of Mukono simply because of Norbert Mao. Nambooze and Senyonga both have roots which are so deep in people’s hearts and they will always be supported and adored by the people of Mukono until their marriage with the same breaks down which is also difficult.

Senyonga and Nambooze are people that have grown up through difficulties and the people of Mukono see them as their own. They have seen them go through challenges and they see them as children of the land regardless of their political party affiliations. DP supporters like Muguluma and Semusambwa have always failed in Mukono because people know them as weak individuals. Yet DP gunners like Nkoyoyo and Katono are favoured by Mukono people because of their honesty and track record. They are also seen as children of the land who are dependable.

Lastly, where do some people get this foolish and hopeless hope that Mao is going to win the elections and that Museveni is going to peacefully hand over political power to him? One of the Mao supporters in London called Aisha Nankya is a social worker who studied organisation theory, social controls and social order, values and ethics  critical thinking, psychology and law. Therefore she should be well placed to know what Uganda is going through and where it is heading. Can’t some of you see that Uganda’s problems are only going to be solved by the gun? Museveni has made it very clear that he won’t leave power after discovering oil. That he will not lose an upper hand on the electoral commission, that free and fair elections will not be allowed, that power is not like ground nuts which can just be given away, that he will go on and on like the Israeli politicians, that he is a quarter pin which can only be removed by a harmer. Why can’t Ugandans see the obvious? Why can’t you see the gray area between white and black?

In 2001, the elect Kizza Besigye campaign in Mukono were  headed by Muguluma a DP stalwart and Nambooze was on the same team.
Elect M7 team in Mukono town council during the same time was headed by David Matovu Kyagambidwa who is also a  strong supporter of Betty Nambooze and Muyanja Senyonga. Remember Matovu Kyagambidwa  is a UPC historical as well.
At no time has Nambooze ever been Yoweri Kaguta’s campaigner in Mukono elections for as long as I remember.
You also need to understand that people like Muyanja Senyonga and other LC3 chairpersons in Mukono district only supported M7 because of their relationship with BIdandi Ssali.
I do not know if you are aware that Bidandi had a good relationship  with people like Kiwanuka Misisi, Kaweesa LC3 of Nama, Ndawula LC 3 Nakifuma,  Anthony William Kanyike, Late Mubarak of Lugazi and many others. It was Bidandi who misled these individuals into supporting Mafia-M7 and it was not out of their own conscience. Actually if you speak to many people in Mukono, they are aware of the damage that Kaguta has done to their country.Many of them vividly remember the the sons of Mukono  who had joined UFM and M7  slaughtered them in Namukoola.
Nambooze is an intelligent and honest person. She has been tested and believe me, not even your Sammy Sekiziivu can uproot her.
I’m warning you that Nambooze might be your president in the coming future.DP have made a mistake to front a candidate against Nambooze because their candidate,Dr Matovu, is a no body as far as Mukono politics is concerned. All that peopl e of Mukono can tell you is that he failed his medical examinations in Russia and his medical practice is terrible. Nambooze will thrive .Watch this space.

HARBERT BUHANGA

Former soldier in Dr.Kayiira’s Army

LONDON

Is Mao another Obote deceiving Buganda and Ugandans??

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Fellow UAH,
As much as I honestly appreciate the debates about our country, I am also saddened by those who tend to discourage others by attacks instead of amicable reasoning.
Some Baganda are still uncomfortable with Mao’s candidature because he is an Acholi, a tribe always linked to late Milton Obote, and this cannot simply be ignored. I see their statements as being courageous and stating it as they think, surely for the good of Uganda. Why should we always beat around the bush and yet we debate for the good of our country? What some Baganda state about the fear of electing an Acholi to the presidency of Uganda, is shared by many Ugandans, and even some of those who are participants in our UAH debates, are simply afraid of attacks.
I tend to write my mind and always try to explain my meaning to those who at times challenge me. But this issue of looking at Mao as another Obote in early stages should be better addressed instead of being dismissed.

I stated about my closest friends during my military service and that included Acholi. I also stated about the troops who fired at our car, obviously with intent to kill me and my colleagues. I also mentioned an Acholi soldier who tried to have me killed, but saved by another Acholi, one of the Body Guards of Oyite Ojok (RIP). Even when the other one tried to call for help from the Military Police so as to have me killed, the Military Officer, Lt. Okwera dismissed all the allegations against me and thus saved my life.
Having stated the above, I want to remind you that I have always stated that Uganda is a family. I have pointed out that we are all related more than some people would wish to acknowledge. I wrote about the fact that since the creation of Uganda, we have intermarried and have children from all over the country, so that we all Ugandans are intertwined.
So, where does the fear of Acholi come from?
Refresh yourselves from the time Idi Amin was toppled. The period leading to the 1980 elections, about which I wrote. Don’t you forget Dr. A. M. Obote’s rule 1966-1971. I wrote about that and also what people said that, ”Even the walls had ears”.
I am not afraid of the Acholi presidency, but those who are, have the right to know that there should not be any cause for alarm. Dismissing their concern is not the proper way to calm all those who feel that way.

BJ. Rubin.

Bidandi Ssali has No Right To Attack Owekitibwa Ssemogerere & Dr.Besigye

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Who is Bidandi Ssali? Isn’t he the oldest man contesting for president of Uganda in the 2011 elections? Could he be one of the oldest men who supported the Museveni’s bush war from 1981 in Luwero when UPC stole DP’s votes/victory?

Could it be that oldest man in Ugandan politick by 1981who never knew /understood the dangers of war by supporting Yoweri – the bush war man? Having supported the war then, has this old person’s brain now been revitalized by God’s power so as to advice Besigye about the dangers of war which he never did then to Kaguta!?

Haha, Bidandi, so it was good for his bush war master – Museveni to declare a war against the vote riggers of the 1980s; but it is wrong for Basigye to do the same against the vote riggers of 2011!? So going to the Courts of Law are the magnificent act to Besigye but not to Museveni?

Now, this shapeless old mafia is after Owek. Mulwanyammuli who came out of retirement yesterday to try to rescue Ugandans from the mess which were done and left behind by likes of Bidandis. This old fashioned so called politician is the person who discarded the requests of federal system of governance by Ugandans as outlined by Odoki and Ssempebwa commissions. But this man who did such a damage by the introduction of a funny confusing decentralization system; which is bent at promoting corruption; is now talking about  regional tier which was taken to Lukiiko by Mulwanyammuli for discussion and got rejected by Buganda. This shameless decaying person is this time around promising Ugandans good governance!

This is a Museveni agent whom Ugandans must avoid. Be careful of any word which comes from the likes of Bidandi Ssali, Kintu Musoke, Kivajjinja the graduates of politics from Pakistan plus Mao, Ssebaggala and Bwanika Abedi.

Fellow citizen Uganda has suffered for a longtime because of these funny greedy oldest men and unfortunately this one appears to be a live up today. This so called politician pretends to be opposing Museveni when actually in reality is working for his bush war master. With what comes out of his mouth, any person with brain cannot fail to understand his intentions. Ugandan voters should discard these oldest men who hide in politics with pretext to be helping the suffering majorities when in real sense are mafia with the intent to steal from the state. Even by watching the video clip you see a funny face of the oldest liar. Our country is still in a great danger if such oldest mafias remain in Ugandan politics. All the remaining good sound old men have since long settled in their retirement homes except the hyenas like Bidandi Ssali remain roaming around politics!

I wish this old man advised Museveni in 1981 not to wage a war in Buganda. Eeeee Bidandi Ssali you are really funny!

For God and my Country.

TIMPULA KAJUULE

timpula.mulyazzawo@gmail.com

Do all these People qualify to be Buganda’s Judas Iscariots?

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Shouldn’t people like Nsibambi be spared since they have never said anything bad against Buganda? What can Buganda do to make sure that most of these people don’t come abck as members of parliament? What is the best way to get candidates that can fight for Buganda’s interests in elections?

Over to you!

Re-opening CBS does not solve the Buganda question

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Dear Ugandans,

Suddenly, CBS Radio was back on air after over a year since it was abruptly switched off the airwaves by a regime hell bent on suppressing people’s opinions.  I remind readers that I’m no Aisha Nankya or Edriss Kironde so my article will not be published in the New Vision or the daily Monitor.  Pro-Buganda writers don’t get such privileges.

37 people were killed, 150 left unemployed and hundreds of businesses crippled simply because General Museveni, General Tinyefuza and General Kayihura did not want that the decision blocking the Kabaka’s visit to Kayunga was reported on CBS Radio.  Was it all necessary?  NO is the big only answer.

But the military men did not end there.  To re-open the station they imposed tough conditions: That the station moves out of Bulange, that the station stops referring to itself as ‘Radio ya Ssabasajja’ and that certain journalists including Betty Nambooze be fired.  All conditions were unacceptable to Baganda and so the issue went to court.

But before our learned friends could have the final decision on the matter, I hear that government changed heart and decided to let CBS back on air without any conditions other than ensuring that broadcasts are in line with broadcasting standards.

Somewhere somehow something happened.  Suubi lya Buganda, a pressure group advocating for the rights of Baganda in the 2011 general elections was gaining momentum in Buganda and hurting the movement government in what was a movement strong region.  Will the re-opening of CBS Radio reverse the NRM rot in Buganda.

I hope not because for me CBS was never part of Ebyaffe.  If the government says that they close it again I’d say go ahead.  It’s not the radio station that hurt the government but the message that was being transmitted to the masses.  This message was the return of Ebyaffe.  These include ‘akenda’ the 9000sq miles that Uganda government confiscated from Buganda during the 1966 crisis.  The payment of rent arrears totaling sh 20 billion that the government has refused to pay to Buganda for use of her county properties and the refusal by the government to return the country to a federal system of government.

Also, it is this NRM government that made an attempt to remove Kabaka Mutebi from the throne claiming that he was not the real Kabaka of Buganda.  They refused to the Kabaka from visiting Bululi county in 2007 and Kayunga in 2010 citing security concerns.  Government has encouraged want away counties in Buganda and supported the Kaamuswaga to rebel against Mengo, legitimized Bunyoro’s illegitimate claims to Buganda counties in Singo, Bulemezi and Bululi.  At one time President Museveni was encouraging Basoga to claim Bugerere county.  In the background, the government was busy re-drawing the map of Uganda and eliminating the word ‘Buganda’ preferring to refer to Buganda as the central region.  Don’t forget the kidnappings of Buganda Kingdom officials Betty Nambooze and Peter Mayinga.

To finish off the kingdom, the Movement government has a proposed legislation in Parliament called the Kampala Bill.  The contents are the last nail in the coffin for Buganda as we know it because Buganda counties of Busiro, Kyadondo, Kyagwwe and Mawokota will be taken out of Buganda and placed under central government control.  In effect ending Buganda as a viable future ‘Federal’ entity.

At one time the President referred to ‘Akenda’ as “Public Land in Buganda” and went on a campaign to rally the whole country against Buganda.  All this was being done without provocation and despite the fact that President Museveni got 1.74 million votes from Buganda at the last general election.  Giving up Buganda, the Kabaka and identinty was the price Baganda had to pay for voting and standing by the NRM government for the last 25 years.

Unfortunately for President Museveni, these issues remained on people’s lips even when CBS has been closed.  Infact Baganda started to identify themselves as victims of a slow genocide and there’s a case at the United Nations.  Buganda Nationalism became stronger and the anthem ‘Ekitibwa kya’Buganda is now a must sing at every major Buganda function in the community.  For Museveni closing down CBS has been a sad failure and reversing it a humiliating retreat.   Should we welcome it?  No.  Because our focus is on ‘Ebyaffe’ and NOT CBS radio.

We should instead ensure that we do not have NRM MP’s anywhere in Buganda .  Museveni and his regime are hostile to Buganda and cannot be trusted with power and our destiny.  If you give them power again during the 2011 elections their actions in government could be worse.  Don’t rule out total enslavement of Baganda in the next 5 to 10 years.  Already they are creating districts around the kingdom for the purpose of being able to create sub-autonomous entities in Buganda.

Stay away from anyone from the movement if you love Buganda and Uganda.  It is in the interest of Uganda that the Buganda question is solved.

Michael Senyonjo

Fundraiser to support Free and Fair Election in Uganda

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SAVE THE DATE!
 
DateSaturday, November 13th, 2010 from 3 pm to 10 pm
 
EventFundraiser to support Free and Fair Election in Uganda: February 12, 2011.
 
Theme CEGUN (Campaign to End Genocide in Uganda…NOW!) will host this fundraiser to support Presidential Candidates Olara Otunnu (Uganda People’s Congress—UPC—Party) and Norbert Mao (Democratic Party—DP). Proceeds will go to the individual candidate’s campaigns against 24-year incumbent Yoweri Museveni (National Resistance Movement—NRM).      
 
VenueHome of Dr. Peter McKimmon
4770 55th Street
San Diego, CA 92115-2203
 
Suggested Donation:Adults: $25.00; Students: $20.00.
(Tickets are available for pre-sale and at the door.)
 
 Please keep checking the CEGUN website at www.cegun.org for updates on the event. Details of this fundraiser will follow but we are planning a party with lots of great food, music, entertainment, dancing and fellowship in a beautiful setting. Let’s participate in a peaceful regime change and celebrate our solidarity at this important juncture in Uganda politics.
 
It’s time to have some FUN while supporting a brilliant future for Uganda and the Great Lakes Region of Africa!
 
If you haven’t marked November 13th on your calendar, please do so now!
 
Please plan to join us!
 
Contacts:San Diego: Lucy Larom: 619-239-4199, cegun.info@gmail.com
Los Angeles: Walter P’Lapit: 951-314-5312

Will Kalundi Robert Sserumaga be back on air after court ruling

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Dear editor,

I certain hope that Mr. Sserumaga will soon return on the air: the country badly needs his incisive analyses of,  and witty commentary on, Uganda’s politics.

Kalundi Serumaga

 
In the recent past, several cases brought by the Museveni regime against citizens of Uganda have been thrown out of court for one reason or another, e.g. Museveni Regime vs CBS, Museveni Regime vs ‘Kampala September Rioters’, Museveni Regime vs  Besigye and others on treason, Museveni Regime vs Kalundi Sserumaga, and many others.
 
In the case of Museveni Regime vs ‘Kampala September Rioters’, those charged were illegally detained in prison for a year, the Museveni regime failed to follow its own laws to produce those charged in court to face charges within the time period proscribed by the constitution and/or law — thereby violating their constitutional and human rights.
 
It is obvious that the Museveni Regime, like that of  Obote I & II, is illegally using the judicial system to harass, persecute and intimidate its opponents. In otherwords, it is abusing its power, by misusing and abusing the judiciary. This is a point that has been repeatedly pointed out by various international human rithgs organizations and foreign governments of donor nations. Therefore the abuse of power is a fundamental and basic characteristic of the Meseveni regime.
 
Recently the US Department of State specifically emphasized this very point in its annual report for 2009 (as it has done in several previous reports) by stating, in part:
 
 
“…Uganda … Serious human rights problems in the country included arbitrary and politically motivated killings; vigilante killings; politically motivated abductions; mob and ethnic violence; torture and abuse of suspects and detainees; harsh prison conditions; official impunity; arbitrary and politically motivated arrest and detention; incommunicado and lengthy pretrial detention; restrictions on the right to a fair trial and on freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, and religion; restrictions on opposition parties; electoral irregularities; official corruption; violence and discrimination against women and children, including female genital mutilation (FGM), sexual abuse of children, and the ritual killing of children; trafficking in persons; violence and discrimination against persons with disabilities and homosexuals; restrictions on labor rights; and forced labor, including child labor. …”
U.S. State Department, March 11, 2010. 2009 Human Rights Report: Uganda
http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2009/af/135982.htm
 
 
A partial list of such damning reports written by international organization and some Western governments to concretely document the track record of the Museveni regime in the ares of democracy and governance may be found at:

http://ugandansinthediaspora.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=49:tales-of-torture-and-death-in-ugandas-torture-centres&catid=36:human-rights-violation-by-museveni&Itemid=64
 
It is also quite telling that a recent ranking of the 21 worst dictators in the world by Foreign Policy Magizine includes Museveni:

http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/06/21/the_worst_of_the_worst?page=0,19
 Musamize

Museveni – from Grand reformer to simply surviving

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Dear people,

Please click on the link below to open up a PDF document and analysis of our president by  Africa Confidential

Museveni — from grand reformer to simply surviving

Please we want to hear your comments after reading the article. Thank you

Shameless Self Sustaining – “Diplomatic Drug Baron’s” Economy

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Shameless Self Sustaining – “Diplomatic Drug Baron’s” Economy

What Exactly have african political leaders done apart from running their nations down?!!– Did the British system build the infrastructure or underdeveloped Uganda?

How can a nation develop without her human resource involved in designing, building and running basic infrastructure?

a.       How many roads and bridges are designed and later constructed by Banyankole, Karamojong, Acoli, Baganda, Bakiga

b.      How many buildings the type of Crest Towers, Bank of Uganda, Sheraton are designed and later constructed by Banyankole, Karamojong, Acoli, Baganda, Bakiga

c.       How many sports stadiums i.e. Mandela Stadiums are designed and later constructed by Banyankole, Karamojong, Acoli, Baganda, Bakiga

d.      African Armies are designed and run by African leaders!

e.       How many food processing factories are design and run by Banyankole, Karamojong, Acoli, Baganda, Bakiga

f.        How many research facilities are designed and run independently by Africans

g.       Bullet factories are designed by North Koreans and run down by nrm.

Just imagine you’re in Gulu or Jinja and urgently want to post a letter or a parcel to Adjumani or Nabumali on a Sunday. Where can you buy a postage stamp?

nowhere, not even in kampala!

1. Uganda Posts and Telecommunications was sub-divided into two or three arms: the Uganda Posts, Uganda (Libyan) Telecom Limited and ______Uganda Communications Commission.

Just visit any public hospital, health care facility or dispensary, public school (secondary, primary or university) or prisons, police station, local administrative office at your local district or village council – is uganda (libyan) telecom limited offering any services in those locations- and if not why? How on earth can a public entity have no telephones in this age?!! Do hospitals in Libya lack public phones for medical works?

2. Uganda Electricity Board operated until 1999, was sub-divided into three entities: Uganda Electricity Distribution Limited (UEDCL), Uganda Electricity Generating Company Limited (UEGCL) and Uganda Electricity Transmission Company Limited (UETCL). On top of that we have got Electricity Regulatory Agency ERA.

The above agencies plus umeme and its agencies have a customer base of about 400’000 out of the 33’000’000 people, the majority located in Kampala area! It is a percentage of 0.0121 implying the people down here are still in the darkest continent 40 years since the English who built the first dam left!

Interestingly if you get data about micro power dams majority are in Western Uganda!

A.     Between Arua and Koboko there about nine bridges implying there are 9 major river streams pouring in River Nile – Buganda must secede.

B.     There are two major river streams from Karamoja pouring in Lake Kyoga wetlands- NRM is digging valley dams!

3. There was Uganda Transporters Cooperative Union (transporting farmers produce and merchandise), Uganda Railways (RVR) reached Kasese, Pakwach bringing with it on a daily basis;

a.      Angara from Pakwach to Tororo and onwards to Mbale, Given the flatness between the Pakwach and Arua this line today will be in Arua and beyond.

b.      Sweet potatoes, maize, millet, Kasese waragi, and goats you name it they offloaded at Nalukolongo near Natete.

Uganda Transport Corporation operating a fleet of buses until 1979 in Kampala areas and its arm the Jinja Transport Corporation, collapsed under nrm revolution!

How do farmers, traders, school children, the elderly, the disable, mothers move around without over spending? The environmental cost and damage on trunk roads by heavy load lorries is enormous. This is what the National Road Authority is saying but There Is No Alternative (TINA formation).

5. There were Uganda Cooperative Unions and Alliance all over the place- Mbale coffee growers cooperative union, Banyankole Kweteerena, West Buganda coffee growers- nrm has invented the best models saccos, naads, pma rubbish without any agricultural basis

NRM why is vanilla in kyagwe has no value addition??????

This country had government ranches in Pakwach, Ankole and Buganda. The Uganda Diary Cooperation run by Lugbara, Baganda, Bakiga, NOT (seemer ) functioning under the ranch  system. Just imagine – in 27 years of cattle herders milk from Ankole is still not processed and we are make to believe the Brutish system who taught you about hygiene are colonialist.

Nakasongola, Ngoma, Karamoja, even Teso have no single milk coolant, but there are numerous almost in each village in Ankole.

All coffee and cotton processing plants were destroyed under a Maoist War and Political Ideology of killing Obote’s economy!!!

6. Jinja, Soroti, Mbale, Lira, Masaka , Mbarara, Kasese, Entebbe, Fort Portal were all planned towns, distinctively to make them beautiful and add on by the Brutish system (Uganda Gifted by Nature rubbish!!!). nrm in 27 years has encouraged the development of slums all over the place.

7. Ever since (Libyan) National Housing Construction and Corporation was stared it remains in name. It has no construction arm of her own and has never constructed a single house for

a.       Police men/women (they sleep in grass huts, Luwero district administration),

b.      Health workers,

c.       Teachers

d.      Construction of hospitals

e.       Construction of schools

f.        Construction of government building we beg from Chinese

g.       Sports Stadiums had out by Chinese!

h.       Local government administrative blocks

libyans aren’t stupid as black Africans: every Libyan has a house and rightly so must get one as a basic right.

8. Koreans are building water supply facilities in Arua- while the most talked about National Water and Sewerage Corporation that has also invested as far as Ghana can’t provide water in Arua!

9. Kenya Commercial Bank is making wind fall gain in East and central Africa- NRM marionettes first sold Uganda Commercial Bank to themselves and later just disposed off what they could not manage. What exactly was NRM doing with a bank when there are monitoring agencies i.e. Bank of Uganda, Management Board?

10. Uganda hotels – also went and now what one can see is chain of poorly managed uganda investment authority – investment promotion strategy, by crude Asians employing themselves in both managerial and ownership positions.

Why on earth should our be burdened with NRM regime in power?????????????? All the above entities collapsed not under obote or idi amin the buffoon but under NRM the anti- colonist, Pan- Africanists.

For now Uganda has upgraded to narcotics drug trade – traders fully equipped with diplomatic passports and UN diplomatic bags!!

Buganda secede

Bwanika Nakyesawa

Luwero

Kingdoms, Chiefdoms can reduce misery of subjects

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Kingdoms, Chiefdoms can reduce misery of subjects

the government develops a lot! Well markets, investment and money can’t develop Nimule and Oraba or Koboko outlets for home made goods to Southern Sudan?

In Kampala just one company with so many names, was hired by Kampala City Council (kcc) to collect market dues from Nakasero, Owino, and City traders’ licence! Yet both, the City Markets and Rental shops remained in such deplorable conditions, only fit for pigs (swine).

nrm political educated class, couldn’t see or hear anything from their gangsters’ paradises!

Since 1986 to date, Luwero police officers are working from and sleeping in grass huts! A buffoon Idi Amin and other political idiots must be laughing uncontrollably.

The Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Toro, Acoli, Bunyoro, Ankole, Buganda, Alur, Itesot, Busoga, etc., should rectify the situation nrm has forced onto the people, before its too late. Which Kingdoms and Chiefdoms can fail to set up a construction company to serve the above purpose cooperatively or as a joint venture?

Afrikaners can for once understand, Africans since time immemorial have lived in communities and not slums, a mind-boggling perception gap.

Kingdoms and Chiefdoms should start regional housing construction companies and lease out communally owned land. Travel to the Kingdom of Denmark, Sweden and Norway and be taught something new.

Just imagine

  1. Each Kingdom or Chiefdom utilised ever year, just only 800 acres of land.
  2. Each acreage could have three housing blocks, with 18 three-four roomed flats, self contained with proper toilets and cooking place. Even though Africans are perpetually dirty to deserve sucha Public Hygiene Act 1964.
  3. 600 acres would be utilised to build 11 such flats each year and in different locations as need arises.
  4. 11 flats will have a reasonable 198 (11 blocks x 18 three-four roomed flats) residential facilities.
  5. 100 acres will be reserved for community villas sold to senior citizens or the cream of that particular society i.e. Professors, Medical Workers, District Directors, etc.
  6. The rest 200 acres could contain playing fields, (i.e. tennis courts, volleyball, football) some forested areas, fishing areas, simple gardens, simple shopping centres, and prayer places, community schools, kindergarten, parking and access roads.

Implying the working rank and file in Teso, Akole, Kigezi or Arua and Banyankole will be able to have a place of abode without too much concern, about Land Speculation. “A-B” above offers a choice to even the nrm gangsters, to lease a flat or buy a villa in the same community.

Land speculation is dangerously eroding and devastating the ecological and moral imbalance in all communities.  Jinja, Mbarara, Kabale, Arua, Mbale have jumped on Kampala madness. In Lira Town Council, well-planned playgrounds are demarcated and sold to local administrators!  Schools and hospitals likewise so! In Jinja what was designed as resting Green Park was given away to a developer! Yes developers indeed. Once land on which Stanbic Mbarara sits, was almost grabbed splitting the building housing the bank into two plots!!!

It is a form of hooligandom nrm modernisation stance into!

Just imagine the slumasation going on everywhere – and some typical Africa Estate Developers lying claim to be developing. Building estates with pit latrines! Then nrm goes on, all the way to claim, “yes build the more, we will provide you roads, and water points plus Umeme transformers on the election day” .

Land speculation, burst into flames of endless corruption that has engulfed all societies, young as well as old, women and men. Why is it that there was no land speculation during the Brutish colonial era – yes because nrm clerks had houses to live in.

Bwanika, Luwero Nakyesawa

Youth employment – African Politicains have birth in Local hospital

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If Commercial Banks, Airlines, National water and Umeme have network facilities – one can draw money, book a ticket, pay bills from Kisoro and Arua branches of the same unite and debited at source why is it that Schools, Health Care facilities, Universities, courts of law,  facilities ?! They talk of youth unemployment – now read and see.

The cardinal point in solving the African nemesis, (Afrikaner Politicians lay claim to developing) is to set new rules and systematically remodel all populated centres, communities within a period of 10 months.

The project will go hand in hand, with massive training of the youth in related skill-based fields. Politicians claim to solve youth unemployment by donating money, as if wealthy creation is solely a by product of money!  (Read: The phenomenology of Money)

The level of ignorance is simply amazing!

  1. For a start, every homestead as a rule must on a daily basis, clean a radius of 10 meters within homestead surrounding area, of:

    1. Polyethylene bags, plastic bottles and scrap metal.
    2. Rotten material i.e. cadaver, biodegradable material and garbage
    3. Clear all natural water sources of pollutants
    4. Plant at least 15 tropical trees, on land which is ¼ of an acre and above

(Arua town dwellers clean their town everyday starting 4-5.00 a.m.)

  1. All public and private Universities: Uganda (Libyan) Telecoms: Uganda Communication Commission (?!) should be compelled to setup a centralised Internet Based Academic enrolment/ Registry/ Examination database.
  1. All Public Service Entities must be given a period of only 6 months to set up the required infrastructure necessary for Public Service Entities operations. That is, in Kampala, Jinja, Mbarara, Mbale, Koboko, Arua, Kabale, Gulu, Entebbe etc. It takes a maximum of only 3 months in all Kingdoms/Chiefdom municipalities/urban councils to set up necessary infrastructure named below. The infrastructures are as follows:
    1. Umeme, Uganda Electricity Distribution/Transmission Company Limited (UED/TCL) must be compelled to deliver electricity either through micro dams/ or National Grid to all Healthy Care Facilities, Education Institutions, Public Markets, Local Administrative Centres, Local Town/Municipal Councils plus:  demarcating power lines corridors, taking power lines underground and setting up distribution points.
    1. National Water and Sewerage Corporation must be compelled to set up infrastructure to all Healthy Care Facilities, Education Institutions, Public Markets, Local Administrative Centres, Local Town/Municipal Councils plus (Sewer lines, Drainage channels, Water filtration dams and Piped Water infrastructure)
    1. Uganda Broadcasting Corporation, (public service) (WBS, NTV, NBS, Record TV) should be forced to record and deliver all Education Material, Public Health material; Consumer Protection material (National Bureau of Standards), Environmental Protection material, on a weekly basis to the public, through (digital network synchronising with broadband network) children who don’t want ton go to school, people who don’t want to go to health care centre, consumers must have this type of information in their home. It implies every permanent structure must have a telephone jack socket, electricity and radio jack socket.
    1. MTN, U(Libyan)TL, Zain, Warid, Orange must be compelled to provide the above services to every; homestead, commercial business, local public entities; school, healthy care facilities, police stations, courts of law, (landline network, nodal points, fibre optical and mast network in private and public academic institution, hospitals, healthcare centres, police)
    1. Uganda National Road Authority should construct the infrastructure to deliver the above facilities and provisions (marking and demarcation of  all road reserves, covering drainage )
    1. Uganda (mis) Communication Commission (?!) (synchronising copper wire network and fibre optical infrastructure)
    1. Uganda Revenue Authority (communication network)
    1. Courts of Law (creating databases infrastructures, internet based communication infrastructure)
    1. Local Police forces (radio, mobile communication infrastructure)
    1. Ministry of (diseases) Health together with U(Libyan)TL, umeme, UCC , NWSC must set up infrastructure, communications (landlines, internet) infrastructure in all public and private Health Care centres
    1. Ministry of Education as rule must together with UTL, all Universities, Primary, Vocational, Secondary Schools,  umeme, UCC set up communication infrastructure (landlines, internet, databases) and power generation networks in all public and private education institutions.
  1. All Bulk & Merchandise Wholesalers (industrial products, building material, furniture, carpentry and welding workshops) should be moved to the industrial areas: Nalukolongo, Kyambogo and Kampala Industrial area, and Mukono industrial area. The same should apply to other populated areas.
  1. Motor Garages (petro-chemical and scrap metal pollutants) should be moved at least seven kilometres, out of the city centres, placed within a 2 kilometres of each other. All such facilities must have (petro-chemical and scrap metal pollutants) treatment facilities.
  1. All Motor vehicles and Machine importers, Computer Machine importers, Medical drug importers, Plastics manufactures, Agro Chemical producers,  must be have a capability to re-export or recycle: toxic scrap metal, plastics, chemicals to sources of origin.
  1. All Gas or Petroleum stations should be placed in a distance of 2.5 kilometres of each other and in a radius of 500 metres of residential / commercial facilities.
  1. Gas or petroleum storage facilities should be moved out of heavily populated areas, to isolated areas i.e. Nakasongola. For example Banda Mogas Petrochemical storage facilities.
  1. Taxi, Buses stations should move out of the city, town centres as per KCC plans and relocated to the cit peripheries.

The police force is wasting time with all they are current doing to alleviate traffic congestion. Likewise Kampala City Council programmes are non-starters without the above programmes. The same applies to the Ministry of Healthy stupid Malaria strategies since people with better residential facilities hardly die of malaria and other contractible, contagious diseases. Why doesn’t nhcc build houses for the people? How can the so-called Nation Drug Authority monitor drugs in healthy care facilities without power and telephone lines?

Now imagine Ministry of Education muted reasoning that city schools do better. Will rural schools do better without libraries, teachers, power and access to books? Books and teachers, with power can be accessed online.

Bwanika , Nakyesawa Luwero

what is africa’s problem? nrm politicians

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what is africa’s problem? nrm politicians

Uganda Post and Telecommunication Engineers, used to be trained at Bugema Adventist College now Bugema University and Kyambogo University.

How many homesteads in Uganda have landline telephone sets, Radio and Televisions, Internet jack socket? (Politicians talk of Industrialisation since telephone sets and receivers, TVs and radios, computers are not manufactured products: Kapitalist Americans have their AT&T, The English have British Telecoms, The Swedish and Norwegian their TeliaSonera, the Finnish Nokia, the French have Orange and Altec). Imagine warid, mtn, utl, smile, orange have their mobile phone sets, kabititi, geyekili manufactured in China! Then how come a country that can spend much money in bribery and corruption chogm this chogm that being stolen can’t start-up something!

How many Universities, Primary and Secondary Schools, Vocational Training institutes in Uganda, have a landline Telephone, Radio and a Television set, internet jack socket for instant communication, international access to Libraries (insap), Electronic books, Research Material, iLabs,http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?searchId=1&pid=diva2:212537

How many Teachers, Students, Children and Youth in Uganda can access their schools, Kindergarten, Lecturer rooms from their homes either by phone, television or radio? Did you know that rural children/students can be taught remotely, just by use of interactive media i.e. television, radio and Internet? The so-called Uganda Broadcasting Corporation a public services entity does not have an education department that will be recording education materials and broadcasting it.

How many Government Ministries, (Central and Local) have access to landline telephones, radio and television communication equipment, so that any staff member can instantly access or communicate information – E-governance, Ministry of (mis) (Information Technology)!

How many Hospitals, Dispensaries, Healthy Care facilities have landline Telephones, Radio and Televisions – do doctors, nurses, midwives, healthy care attendants and drug dispensers need to consult? How do they do it from Kabale, Kisoro, Nakapipiriti?

How many Patient Journals can instantly be accessed from Gulu, Arua, Mbarara, Nakaseke hospitals at Mulago

How many Public Service (indeed) workers can access their offices: wages and salaries and pensions remotely?

Why don’t National (Libyan) Housing Construction Corporation houses have the above facilities landline telephone sets, Radio and Televisions, Internet jack socket?

===============

Somewhere in 1995: Architect Mark Olweny(Adelaide Australia), Edward Balidawa ( Abeline Texas) and Bwanika started something of what was to become Uganda Home Pages.

The after effects of Uganda Home Pages were the creation of Uganda (mis) Communication Commission, Ministry of Information Communication Technology, Websites for Uganda Ministries, State House, District Portal (with local government websites) and Uganda Parliament Website thanks to a NO vision of Dr. Johnson Nkuuhe, who as far as I remember begged the Americans for equipment to facility Uganda parliament internet network!

Dr. Nkuuhe one in his own calibre, went on to work with people like Eng. James Wire (infocom), Eng. Doroth Okello and Eng. Kiggundu Mukasa (New York), to implement communication facilities in parliament. Today, many can read the Parliament archives instantly.  Haven knows where Dr. Nkuuhe is today and all his dreams of a beautiful soul and country.

I understand he also interacted with Charles Musisi (Makerere University) among others who were very committed to bring about a change among Africans. How .ug domain become a property of some few individuals and where subscription fees go whenever Ugandans subscribe to own a domain ending with .ug i.e. utlonline.co.ug is another issue altogether.

Uganda Home Pages project, was the first of its kind on the African continent and indeed the world.  Only three African countries by 1996 had their:

1.      Entire Parliament

2.      Entire Government

3.      Local Government

4.      News Papers

5.      State house

6.      National Laws

accessible digitally and openly. Others were South Africa (had Local Newspapers), Morroco(or Algeria) and Gambia (state house).

On the above initiative, Uganda become the second country, in the whole of Africa, after South Africa, to have their National News Paper read anywhere around the world. The Daily Monitor was the first and then came the New Vision who wanted to bill readers until the project collapsed.

The above project, went on to lobby for the establishment a National Statistics Bureau (Uganda Bureau of Statistics). Uganda Home Pages advised designed National Drug Authority, NEMA Uganda Investment Authority etc., to start  websites which in case of UIA was done and put on a Compact Disc (!) allegedly by a South African company at a rate I can’t remember – I hope Dr. Kigozi, Musiitwa and Okello who were then working at UIA as information officers know more about it.

Uganda home pages designed an interactive Uganda Revenue Webpages where there was none.

The district portal where local government had all their information: agriculture, demography, resources, wages, public workers etc., collapsed and nrm goons saw nothing!

Bwanika, Nakyesawa Luwero

Beti Kamya Has Disappointed A lot of Baganda and Ugandans

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Dear readers,

The story in the Eddobozi newspaper about Beti Kamya refusing the Buganda National Anthem to be sang at her party’s delegates Conference has sent shock waves to all Baganda in Uganda and in Diaspora, but Who tells you that Betty Kamya was a believer in federalism in the first place? If she can claim to be a federalist but miserably fails the test of understanding the fact that the federal concept contains a critical element of ‘unity in diversity’ which must be consciously promoted by her and her supporters, then you just have to confirm that she has all along been a masquarader. And like ‘Seya’ (Ssebaggala) has just ditched his ‘party’ supporters by crossing over to NRM, now just wait to read who’s next in line to join up where Seya has crossed over to!  Sadly, that’s how low Uganda politics has sunk! Kitalo nnyo!!

On account of the fact that a big number of our people, whether educated or not, are gullible and therefore don’t bother to scratch their brains deeper than the mere surface of their head skins, they believe every garbage our greedy and ego-centric politicians blurt out while politicking.  While some people had already warned Ugandans of Ssebagagla’s liability to the general political opposition on account of his political monkey business he started on immediately after he had been sworn in as the new Kampala mayor (2006-2010), and more recently when he dished out lots of money with questionable sources to DP members in Mbale, the gullible ones went ahead to join ship with his so-called Liberal Democratic Party. Where are they now after Seeya’s “giving his behind??(his own words!)” to the NRM? Certainly in the political cold!

Similarly, some people had already warned Ugandans of Betty’s acrimonious exit from FDC citing tribalism, blah, blah after which she jumped on the federalism card to form what she initially called a “pressure group” but which is now a political party! She went further to attack the FDC, IPC, KB as being no better than NRM or even Museveni, and how they are ostensibly wasting time campaigning against NRM.  But even more preposterous thanthis, she went ahead to claim that she’s responsible for having made the federal cause popular to all Ugandans as if her UFA had already been formed when more than 95% of Baganda and 67% of the rest of Ugandans had already expressed themselves in favor of federalism in the Odoki Commission and subsequently the Ssempebwa Constitutional Review Commission!

But now that the pretences and lies can no longer hold for what Betty’s true political intentions are, I am so glad that she’s finally blown up her “federal” cover. Betty can go right ahead to get all the “votes” she can have from the rest of Uganda but let her also rest assured that she has completely politically ditched her would-be votes in Buganda with those careless remarks she made regarding the singing of “Ekitiibwa Kya Buganda”.  Those who have the eyes to clearly see  the 5th columnism in the likes of Seeya, Betty and the rest of IPC & SUUBI bashers  now know who are the next two or three “party” personalities are about to jump in the pecuniary bed with NRM!

God save Uganda and Ugandans of all the greedy and ego-centic politicians!!

Benjamin Zaake Buganga

30 Ugandans Officially known to have been killed in Mukono North in the last 5 months

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This is the list produced by Honourable Nambooze of the Ugandans killed in Mukono North in the last 5 months alone. We want to know what is killing them. Is the Uganda Police investigating this or not? Is this also happening in other parts of the country but it is not reported by Museveni’s media?

Bano be bamu ku abo abattiddwa mu bbanga eryo.

Erinnya(Name) ne ekitundu(Place):

  1. Reagan Amanya- Bugoba
  2. Lubuulwa Moses -Ntinda Sseeta
  3. Muhumuza Moses Baggala –Goma
  4. Ssekitooleko Ssegawa Namyoya –Goma
  5. Nsubuga-Umeme Seeta –Goma
  6. Ntetuliye Peter- Bajjo
  7. Ssegujja Kiwanga
  8. Ssebuufu Fred -Nabuta
  9. Munana Njini- Jjogo
  10. Julius- Seeta
  11. Jackson Mukwaba- Gwafu
  12. Ssenkumba Denis -Bajjo
  13. Nkugwa John Kiwango-Namwezi
  14. Kawooya Amos Nyanja -Bukeerere
  15. Ssenfuma Nassuuti- Mukono
  16. Nalongo Najjuma- Kikooza
  17. Ekayu Baker -Wantoni
  18. Ssentongo Dickson- Nantabuulirirwa
  19. Kajubi (muzzukulu wa Kassim) Nabuti
  20. Glain (muzzukulu w’omugenzi- Buguju
  21. Kyakuwa,Mustafa Ssali) Kiwanga-Goma
  22. Kizito Kisowera-Nama
  23. Dan mwozi wa mmotoka -Nabuti
  24. Kasumba wa bboadabbooda -Nasuuti
  25. Mky.Musanje amanyiddwa nga Muteeso- Kigomya
  26. Ssenfuka(yaliko omukozi mu Vincent Alex)
  27. Nabuti Pri Sch – Mukono
  28. Grace Bizibu- Butebe
  29. Babirye Nazziwa- Butebe
  30. Sheik Busuulwa- Nantabuulirirwa

Mawokota has never been a DP stronghold as Some DP Claim

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Dear Ugandans at heart,
Some DP members have been heard saying thatI read you as stating  Mawokota has always been substantially DP and pro Kabaka and Ganda tradition.” One question though: When the country had a real opportunity to gauge the popularity of DP by having its long-serving PG contesting for presidency in 1996, how did he, and by very direct implication, DP, fare in Mawokota?
This is how things went in 1996:
Mawokota North: Museveni….21,337; Semogerere….6,344
Mawokota South: Museveni…. 18,897; Semogerere….3,786
In 2001 when DP threw their lot in for Besigye, this is what happened:
Mawokota North: Museveni….21,488; Besigye….8,307
Mawokota South: Museveni…. 19,705; Besigye….6,558
In 2006 when DP decided to come back with Sebaana, here we were:
Mawokota North: Museveni….16,673; Sebaana….1,765
Mawokota South: Museveni….16,231; Sebaana….1,500
So, how do they reconcile those figures with their claim about Mawokota being a DP stronghold?  Did they actually mean “stranglehold”?
I also suggest that they exercise some inhibition when it comes to their view that Mawokota is pro-Mmengo or Pro-Kabaka etc….and then mention Mugwanya at the same time.  Some of us were around in 1955/56 and so what happened when the Kabaka was manoevring to keep Catholics out of Mmengo.
…and just some little point: While the Owesazza of Butambala has always been called Katambala; the one of Busujju, Kasujju, etc, the one of Mawokota is called Kaima and not Muwokota…why?……seen a subcounty there called Kiringente?…..for some of you who love lampooning balaalo….
Ah!…and the Majwala who inspired this whole thread of Amelia’s anti-Mutebism needs to reconcile his views with this picture below:
Amelia Kyambadde kneels to greet the Kabaka at his birthday celebrations in Kibuli yesterday

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto

Kingdoms, Chiefdoms can reduce misery of subjects

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Dear people,

The government develops a lot! Well markets, investment and money can’t develop Nimule and Oraba or Koboko outlets for home made goods to Southern Sudan? In Kampala just one company with so many names, was hired by Kampala City Council (kcc) to collect market dues from Nakasero, Owino, and City traders’ licence! Yet both, the City Markets and Rental shops remained in such deplorable conditions, only fit for pigs (swine). NRM political educated class, couldn’t see or hear anything from their gangsters’ paradises! Since 1986 to date, Luwero police officers are working from and sleeping in grass huts! A buffoon Idi Amin and other political idiots must be laughing uncontrollably.

The Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Toro, Acoli, Bunyoro, Ankole, Buganda, Alur, Itesot, Busoga, etc., should rectify the situation nrm has forced onto the people, before its too late. Which Kingdoms and Chiefdoms can fail to set up a construction company to serve the above purpose cooperatively or as a joint venture?

Afrikaners can for once understand, Africans since time immemorial have lived in communities and not slums, a mind-boggling perception gap. Kingdoms and Chiefdoms should start regional housing construction companies and lease out communally owned land. Travel to the Kingdom of Denmark, Sweden and Norway and be taught something new.

Just imagine

  1. Each Kingdom or Chiefdom utilised ever year, just only 800 acres of land.
  2. Each acreage could have three housing blocks, with 18 three-four roomed flats, self contained with proper toilets and cooking place. Even though Africans are perpetually dirty to deserve sucha Public Hygiene Act 1964.
  3. 600 acres would be utilised to build 11 such flats each year and in different locations as need arises.
  4. 11 flats will have a reasonable 198 (11 blocks x 18 three-four roomed flats) residential facilities.
  5. 100 acres will be reserved for community villas sold to senior citizens or the cream of that particular society i.e. Professors, Medical Workers, District Directors, etc.
  6. The rest 200 acres could contain playing fields, (i.e. tennis courts, volleyball, football) some forested areas, fishing areas, simple gardens, simple shopping centres, and prayer places, community schools, kindergarten, parking and access roads.

Implying the working rank and file in Teso, Akole, Kigezi or Arua and Banyankole will be able to have a place of abode without too much concern, about Land Speculation. “A-B” above offers a choice to even the nrm gangsters, to lease a flat or buy a villa in the same community.

Land speculation is dangerously eroding and devastating the ecological and moral imbalance in all communities.  Jinja, Mbarara, Kabale, Arua, Mbale have jumped on Kampala madness. In Lira Town Council, well-planned playgrounds are demarcated and sold to local administrators!  Schools and hospitals likewise so! In Jinja what was designed as resting Green Park was given away to a developer! Yes developers indeed. Once land on which Stanbic Mbarara sits, was almost grabbed splitting the building housing the bank into two plots!!!

It is a form of hooligandom nrm modernisation stance into!

Just imagine the slumasation going on everywhere – and some typical Africa Estate Developers lying claim to be developing. Building estates with pit latrines! Then nrm goes on, all the way to claim, “yes build the more, we will provide you roads, and water points plus Umeme transformers on the election day” .

Land speculation, burst into flames of endless corruption that has engulfed all societies, young as well as old, women and men. Why is it that there was no land speculation during the Brutish colonial era – yes because nrm clerks had houses to live in.

Bwanika, Luwero Nakyesawa