Category Archives: kabaka mutebi

Kabaka to meet ‘Abalangira’ and ‘Bambejja’ on 10th Dec 2011


Kabaka Mutebi II


The Kabaka of Buganda Ronald Muwenda Mutebi ll is scheduled to meet all members of princes and princesses from Buganda at
Bamunaanika palace in Bulemeezi on December 10th 2011. Those include all princes and princesses under Ssaabalangira and
Ssaababiitos including of Kibulala in Singo , Sanje in Buddu and of

This is the second meeting for Kabaka Mutebi to meet all princes and princesses, in less than 10 years. It is also the first meeting where the Babiito of Sanje and Kooki will be included. Ssaababiito Walugembe Kateregga has organised a preparatopry meeting
for Abalangira Ababiito of Kibulala at Nakivumo Settlement Primary School on November 26th.

Prince Luguma Kateregga of Buakkata calls upon all prionces and princesses under his sub clan, to attend both the Nakivubo meetings at Nakivubo and at Bamunaanika.

Good weekend.


Ssabasajja Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi was born on 13 April 1955


Dear Forumists

It is important that the following facts are brought to your attention:

1. Ssabasajja Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi was born on 13 April 1955. He was conceived in the south of France where his father (Ssekabaka Edward Mutesa II) was on vacation with Ms Sarah Kisosonkole (Mutebi’s mother) in the summer of 1954. This was during Mutesa’s first exile and photographs of this holiday are available.
2. During the whole of 1954, Daudi Ochieng was employed at Namulonge in Uganda. Ochieng first went abroad in 1955 after Mutebi was already born. This puts Daudi Ochieng more than 4000 miles away from Ms Sarah Kisosonkole at the time Mutebi was conceived.

Kabaka Mutebi II

3. In Mutesa’s book, The Desecration of My Kingdom (1967), he himself describes being with Ms Sarah Kisosonkole in France in 1954. He further states how he later went with her, while pregnant, to shop in Harrods in London for the unborn Mutebi. Ms Sarah Kisosonkole was then despatched to Kampala so that she did not give birth to Mutebi outside Buganda.
4. A one time Speaker of the Buganda Lukiiko (Sheikh Ali Kulumba) affirmed that Ochieng could not possibly have been Mutebi’s father because he got into royal circles at Mengo long after Mutebi was born. Ochieng had been introduced to these circles by the late Grace Ibingira and Sam Odaka.
5. In January 1999, when this issue came to the forefront, Dr Martin Aliker, a brother to the late Daudi Baldwin Ochieng, expressed his family’s sympathy with the Kabaka of Buganda Ronald Mutebi II. He further stated that the Kabaka had been unfairly embarrassed and humiliated by “some disgruntled elements of the extended Buganda royal family.”
6. How many of us really resemble our fathers? Nobody ever said that all children must resemble their fathers. Daudi Chwa and Mutebi do not resemble their fathers, Mwanga and Mutesa II respectively. However, Chwa and Mutebi actually resemble their mothers.

Daudi Ochieng

Some totally misinformed people on this issue keep “activating” this topic for reasons best known to themselves. They even asked me if I had a photograph of Daudi Ochieng. One further asked, “Why does Ssabasajja Mutebi resemble him to the toe?” At that point, I immediately realised this person had never seen a photograph of Daudi Ochieng.

On this score, I have attached two photographs (one of Kabaka Mutebi and the other of Daudi Ochieng). Please have a look and decide for yourselves if indeed there is any resemblance whatsoever between the two as some people had claimed. I will not be surprised in the least if some misguided people argued against the above facts. If they do, that will truly show how vindictive they are towards the Baganda in particular.

Deo Kasansula

UAH should have an official Representative in Lukiiko and National parliament


Some of the newly appointed Lukiiko members take an oath at Bulange yesterday(the Monitor newspaper)

Dear Ugandans,

We thank the Kabaka of Buganda, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi 11, for having selected a strong team that is going to represent us in the Lukiiko. We hope the team below will do a good job for Buganda and make very good decisions that will contribute to the endless strength and visibility of the kingdom.

As members of Ugandans At Heart (UAH), we request the Kabaka to also put us into consideration and give us a representative in the next Lukiiko. We believe we are doing a tremendous job in outlining, fighting for and discussing the challenges the kingdom is facing in this century, such that our representation will strengthen our case to do this important job very well.

For the mean time, we thank the Kabaka for his great leadership and choosing some of the UAH members to be part of the new Lukiiko. We especially want to thank him for having chosen Mr.Kalundi Sserumaga as part of his team. This member faced a lot of challenges last year but we did a lot to expose his problems using the UAH network. We believe he will be a good servant to Buganda and the Kabaka and we wish him good luck.

We also request the national parliament to consider creating a slot of a special UAH representative in the future parliament since the forum is mostly connected with the problems of Ugandans abroad. With this slot, we shall be able to communicate to parliament directly what we think are the required changes needed to take our country forward. Other details on how to select, nominate or vote for the UAH representative will be sorted out, as soon as the government guarantees the creation of this constituency. Ugandans abroad have got  a lot of problems that we feel should be debated on a regular basis in our parliament, and there is no better way of doing this than having somebody representing them in parliament.

Below is the list of the members of the Great Buganda Lukiiko( 2011), extracted from the Buganda Kingdom website:

1.    Oweek. Eng. John Baptist Walusimbi          – Prime Minister (Katikkiro)
2.    Oweek. Haji Musa Kaddu Sserunkuuma       – Speaker
3.    Oweek. Dr. Higiro Semajege                    – Deputy Speaker
4.    Oweek. Emmanuel L Ssendaula               – 1st Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Buganda Affairs Abroad
5.    Oweek. Haji Yusuf Nsubuga Nsambu        – 2nd Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Heritage, Royal Tombs and Tourism 6.    Owek. Apollo N. Makubuya                   – Attorney General and Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs
7.    Oweek. Eva Nagawa Mukasa                  – Minister of Finance.
8.    Oweek. Charles Peter Mayiga                – Minister for Lukiiko, Cabinet  Affairs, Information and Spokesman of the Buganda Government.
9.    Oweek. Dr. Fred Masagazi Masaazi             – Minister for Education & Sports
10.    Oweek. Edward Katimbo Mugwanya       – Minister for Special Buganda
11.    Oweek. Jolly Lutaaya                         – Minister for Local Government, Community Mobilisation

12.    Oweek. Tony Kiyimba Kaggwa        – Minister of Lands & Public Buildings

13.    Oweek. Mohamood Thobani            – Minister for Economic Planning and Development
14.    Oweek. Nelson Kawalya                    – Minister of Health.
15.    Oweek. Edward Lutaaya Mukomazi        – Minister of Agriculture, Animal
Husbandry, Fisheries, Forestry and
the Environment
16.    Oweek. Kaddu Kiberu                       – Minister for Industries, Trade,
Works and Technology
17.    Oweek. Apolonia Mugumbya            – Minister for Gender and Community Development

18.    Oweek. Ahmed Bamweyana                 – Minister for Water, Power, Natural Resources
19.    Oweek. Florence Bagunywa Nkalubo       – Minister for Youth and Employment
20.    Oweek. Amb. William S. K. Matovu        – Minister for Royal Treasury & Chief Palace Advisor.
21.    Oweek. Israel Mayengo                     – Minister without Portfolio in the Office of the Katikkiro                                                                         22.    Oweek. Kabuuza Mukasa Namuddala    – Minister of State for Royal Visits & Royal Tours
23.    Oweek. Twaha Kaawaase            – Minister of State for Finance
24.    Oweek. David Mpanga             – Minister of State for Research
25.    Oweek. Herbert Ssemakula            – Minister of State for Sports
26.    Oweek. Florence Nakiwala Kiyingi        – Minister of State for Tourism
27.    Oweek. Rajni Tailor                – Minister of State for Economic Planning & Economic Development
28.    Oweek. Omar Mandera            – Minister of State for Management & Development of the Royal Treasury
29.    Oweek. Ahmed Lwasa            – Minister of State for Education
30.    Oweek. Haji Simbwa Bunnya            – Minister of State for Agriculture, Animal husbandry, Fisheries,     Forestry and Environment
31.    Oweek. Mariam Nkalubo Mayanja         – Minister of State for Women  Development
32.    Oweek. Samalie Mwanje            – Minister of State for Protocol
33.    Oweek. John Elly Ssentongo            – Minister of State for Environment


34.    Oweek. Ponsiono Kawotto Sengendo            – Sebwana, Busiro
35.    Oweek. Charles Balogali Kiyimba Kwewaayo    – Pokino, Buddu
36.    Oweek. Sevume Musoke                 – Bugerere, Bugerere
37.    Oweek. Yusuf Gaganga                – Kasujju, Busujju
38.    Oweek. Lawrence Sserugunda            – Luweekula, Buweekula
39.    Oweek. Katende Girigoli                – Mbuubi, Buvuma
40.    Oweek. Medard Kiwanuka                – Kitunzi, Gomba
41.    Oweek. T. Malwokweza Kivumbi            – Kaggo, Kyadondo
42.    Oweek. David Ssedyabule                – Lumaama, Kabula
43.    Owek. Ananius Ssekyanzi          – Katikkiro wa Kamuswaga,  Kooki
44.    Oweek. Ssalongo Peter Ddungu        – Muteesa, Mawogola
45.    Oweek. Stephen Kifulukwa Nawuba        – Kayima, Mawokota
46.    Alex Benjamin Kigongo            – Ssekiboobo, Kyaggwe
47.    Oweek. Prof. Peter M. Mutebi        – Kweba, Ssese
48.    Oweek. Salongo Godfrey Mbalire        – Mukwenda, Singo
49.    Oweek. Twaha Lwanyaaga            – Katambala, Butambala
50.    Oweek. Gidion Kisitu                – Kangawo, Bulemezi
51.    Oweek. Ssalongo S. Ssenyonga        – Kimbugwe, Bululi


52.    Oweek. Prof. Eric Paul Kibuka        – Member of the Lukiiko
53.    Oweek. Dr. Jack Luyombya            –       “
54.    Oweek. Robert Kalundi Serumaga        –        “
55.    Oweek. Dr. Golooba Mutebi            –        “
56.    Oweek. Victoria Nabayinda Serunjogi    –        “
57.    Oweek. Mukasa Muleme            –        “
58.    Oweek. Rehema Kasule Nakawooya        –        “
59.    Oweek. Damas Mulagwe            –        “
60.    Oweek. Dr. Charles Zziwa            –        “
61.    Owek. Umar K. Mayanja            –        “


62.    Oweek. Edward Kamya Lugonvu                – Kyaddondo
63.    Oweek. Kibirige Nakubulwa Zulayika            – Kyaddondo
64.    Oweek. Charles Bwenvu                    – Kyaddondo
65.    Oweek. Christine Kasule Mugerwa                – Kyaddondo
66.    Oweek. Kironde Kisuule Geoffrey                – Kyaddondo
67.    Oweek. Kato Kabugo Samson                 – Kyaddondo

68.    Oweek. Haji Abibu Kizito                    – Kyaggwe
69.    Oweek. Donald Muguluma Damulira                – Kyaggwe
70.    Oweek. Haji Kaweesi Kibiriti Abdallazziz            – Kyaggwe
71.    Oweek. Nalwanga Grace Wandyaka                – Kyaggwe
72.    Oweek. Nalubwama Barbra                     – Kyaggwe
73.    Oweek. Patrick Kisitu                        – Kyaggwe

74.    Oweek. Nabwami Sofia                    – Bulemeezi
75.    Oweek. Dr. Josephat Jombwe                 – Bulemeezi
76.    Oweek. Kasimu Hassam                    – Bulemeezi
77.    Oweek. James Mabaale                    – Bulemeezi
78.    Oweek. Noel Nabweteme                    – Bulemeezi
79.    Oweek. Erasto Kibirango                    – Bulemeezi

80.    Oweek. Ismail Mulema                    – Kooki
81.    Oweek. Semu Kulubya                    – Kooki
82.    Oweek Ddungu Ssemuto                    – Kooki

83.    Oweek. Hajati Fatuma Namugula                – Mawogola
84.    Oweek. Wamala Samu                    – Mawogola
85.    Oweek. Ssesanga Magala Peter                – Mawogola

86.    Oweek. Joseph Balikuddembe                – Buddu
87.    Oweek. Mugumbya G. Ssenyonga                – Buddu
88.    Oweek. Samuel P. Kayiwa                    – Buddu
89.    Oweek Henry Wasswa Mukasa                – Buddu
90.    Oweek. Babirye Mary Kabanda                – Buddu
91.    Oweek. Ronald Mugamba                    – Buddu

92.    Oweek. Ssemwogerere Deo Mutyaba                – Buwekula
93.    Oweek. Kiwanuka Harriet Nampala                – Buwekula
94.    Oweek. Matovu Ndawula Erisa                – Buwekula
95.    Oweek. Gyaviira Kasajja                    – Buwekula

96.    Oweek. Kijjambu H.R Stanley                 – Ssingo
97.    Oweek. Matovu Noah                        – Ssingo
98.    Oweek. Zziwa Kimogofu                    – Ssingo
99.    Oweek. Nantume Poline                    – Ssingo
100.    Oweek. Lubega Godfrey                – Ssingo
101.    Oweek. Wasswa Katende Kezekia              – Ssingo

102.    Oweek. Ssonko Margret                 – Bugerere
103.    Oweek. Ssekimuli Swaib                – Bugerere
104.    Oweek. Kawuma Nuwah                – Bugerere
105.    Oweek. Walugendo Charles                – Bugerere
106.    Oweek. Robina Magezi                – Bugerere
107.    Oweek. Schofield.D.B Ssekubwa            – Bugerere

108.    Oweek. Ssetenda Ssenoga Livingstone        – Gomba
109.    Oweek. Namale Amina                – Gomba
110.    Oweek. Muwanga Kaggwa Amos            – Gomba
111.    Oweek. Namuddu Rehema. Ssekabira        – Gomba

112.    Oweek Mugenyi Alex Salongo            – Buvuma
113.    Oweek. Kitayimbwa Fred                – Buvuma
114.    Oweek. Namugabo Federesi Sekindi            – Buvuma

115.    Oweek. Ssebwato Godfrey Ssebanakita        – Buluuli
116.    Oweek. Wanzala Livingstone                – Buluuli
117.    Oweek. Nambi Nambooze Ruth            – Buluuli
118.    Oweek. Ssemwanga Fred                – Buluuli

119.    Oweek. Naggayi Annet                – Busiro
120.    Oweek. Musisi Kabuye Fredrick            – Busiro
121.    Oweek. George Geserwa                – Busiro
122.    Oweek. Kiberu Kisiriiza Charles            -Busiro
123.    Oweek. Suzan Namutebi Musoke            – Busiro
124.    Oweek. Kalule Ssewaali John                – Busiro

125.    Oweek. Nyika Mutooto Victor            – Busujju
126.    Oweek. Kikomeko Nakate C. Birabwa        – Busujju
127.    Oweek Jjingo Mark Byekwaso            – Busujju

128.    Oweek Ssalongo Lutaaya G. W            – Ssese
129.    Oweek. Nakyeyune Glades                 – Ssese
130.    Oweek. Kasirye Augustine                 – Ssese

131.    Oweek. Ssekyeru David                – Mawokota
132.    Oweek. Juma Bbosa                    – Mawokota
133.    Oweek. Nalongo Jane Florence Kiwalago        – Mawokota
134.    Oweek. Dr. Martin Nsubuga                -Mawokota

135.    Oweek. Nanyonjo Jaliya Sseguya            – Butambala
136.    Oweek. Najib Kivumbi                – Butambala
137.    Oweek. Ssepuuya Steven                – Butambala
138.    Oweek. Nabwami Aisha Sserunjogi            – Butambala

139.    Oweek. Matovu Sarah Nakalembe            – Kabula
140.    Oweek. Hajjat Nassimbwa Nsereko            – Kabula
141.    Oweek. Ssenkima Stephen                – Kabula
142.    Oweek. Kamunana Emmanuel            – Kabula


143.    Oweek. Mitimbo Gonzaga Kagumba        – Nkobazambogo
144.    Oweek. Elijah Kyobe                – Nkobazambogo
145.    Oweek. Kiyemba Hassan            – Nkobazambogo
146.    Oweek. Mazzi Sylvia                – Nkobazambogo
147.    Oweek. Nalweyiso Hasifah             – Nkobazambogo

148.    Oweek. Joseph Kawuki            – Buganda Youth Council
149.    Oweek. Ssabavuma Christopher        – Buganda Youth Council
150.    Oweek. Ismail Kintu                – Buganda Youth Council
151.    Oweek. Henry Kasacca Mubiru        – Buganda Youth Council
152.    Oweek. Mulindwa Michael Nakumusana    – Buganda Youth Council
153.    Oweek. Sylvia Kirabira G            – Buganda Youth Council
154.    Oweek. Christine Nabukenya            – Buganda Youth Council

155.    Oweek. Mulwana Kizito Andrew        – Ssuubi Lya Buganda
156.    Oweek. Balikuddembe J. Senkusu        – Ssuubi Lya Buganda
157.    Oweek. Isaac Mpanga                – Ssuubi Lya Buganda
158.    Owek. Prosperous Nankindu Kavuma    – Ssuubi Lya Buganda
159.    Oweek. Henry Ssekabembe            – Ssuubi Lya Buganda
160.    Oweek. Isa K. Mayanja            – Ssuubi Lya Buganda


161.    Oweek. Henry Kanyike            – Livestock
162.    Oweek. Prof. Badru Kateregga         – Education
163.    Oweek. Enock Kato                – Farmers
164.    Oweek Younus Kamulegeya            – Consult-Eng
165.    Oweek. Edward Nkuggwa            – Accountants.
166.    Oweek. John Sebaana Kizito            – Bika Football Committee.
167.    Owek. Kassim Yawe Musoke            – People with Disabilities.
168.    Oweek. Nantumbwe Rose            – The Luganda Language
169.    Owek. Robert Nviiri            – Ekibiina ky’Olulimi Oluganda
170.    Oweek. Chris Bwanika            – Bannamateeka
171.    Oweek. Haji Midirikati Mukasa        – Employees
172.    Oweek. Hajji Jamada Lutta Musoke        – Employers
173.    Oweek. Hasipha Nampeewo Mpagi        – Women
174.    Oweek. Solome Walusimbi Mpanga        – Women
175.    Oweek. Joyce Mpanga            – Women
176.    Oweek. Agnes Nabulya  Nkuggwa        – Women
177.    Oweek. Ibrahim Suguya    – The Lukiiko Nom. Committee.
178.    Oweek. Dr. Kiwanuka     Ben Mukwaya    – Medical Workers
179.    Oweek. Edward Kayondo                “
180.    Oweek. Gasta Lule- Ntake             – Business Community
181.    Oweek Mukasa Ssalongo James        – Business Community
182.    Oweek. Noah Kiyimba            – Tertiary Institution
183.    Oweek. Prof. Livingstone Walusimbi        – Elders
184.    Oweek. Mohamood Ssebagala        – Elders


185.    Oweek. Kizito Peter Mufumba    – Abaganda ababeera e Busoga
186.    Oweek. Kato Hussein Galiwango    -Abaganda ababeera e Bugisu
187.    Oweek. Ssenkumba M. Joseph    – Abaganda ababeera Samia/ Bugwe
188.    Oweek. Suleiman Ibrahim Kiggundu    – Abaganda ababeera mu East  Africa.


189.    Oweek. Wahibu Doka                – Mukiise
190.    Oweek. Bakhit Juma Hassan (0753 968015)    -Mukiise
191.    Oweek. Manu Kanani                – Mukiise (0712777700)


192.    Omukungu David Ntege

Thank you everyone and good luck to the new Lukiiko members because they are going to need it under the circumstances.

Abbey Kibirige Semuwemba


Help Kabaka Get the Right Choice. Vote For Your Katikiro Now


Dear Ugandans,

April 2011 is when the four year term for current Buganda kingdom Katikkiro, JB Walusimbi, expires. According to the Redpepper(2010),’‘Katikkiro JB Walusimbi recently met the Kabaka and communicated his unwillingness to go for a second term. This, the Katikkiro maintains, is consistent with his inauguration speech of 2007 when he assured the Kabaka that he would do just one term.
Having served at Mengo for a very long time (he was finance minister for a very long time including during Joseph Mulwanyammuli’s reign), Walusimbi has naturally generated fatigue and wants to retire to private life and redeem his businesses some of which have been affected by his busy schedule while serving at Mengo since the 1990s.However, palace insiders tell us the Kabaka didn’t want to renew Walusimbi’s contract because of his soft approach to the Buganda issues, thus his shopping for a radical and anti Museveni prime minister.

So who do you want to be your next Katikkiro? Any Ideas?


Re-opening CBS does not solve the Buganda question


Dear Ugandans,

Suddenly, CBS Radio was back on air after over a year since it was abruptly switched off the airwaves by a regime hell bent on suppressing people’s opinions.  I remind readers that I’m no Aisha Nankya or Edriss Kironde so my article will not be published in the New Vision or the daily Monitor.  Pro-Buganda writers don’t get such privileges.

37 people were killed, 150 left unemployed and hundreds of businesses crippled simply because General Museveni, General Tinyefuza and General Kayihura did not want that the decision blocking the Kabaka’s visit to Kayunga was reported on CBS Radio.  Was it all necessary?  NO is the big only answer.

But the military men did not end there.  To re-open the station they imposed tough conditions: That the station moves out of Bulange, that the station stops referring to itself as ‘Radio ya Ssabasajja’ and that certain journalists including Betty Nambooze be fired.  All conditions were unacceptable to Baganda and so the issue went to court.

But before our learned friends could have the final decision on the matter, I hear that government changed heart and decided to let CBS back on air without any conditions other than ensuring that broadcasts are in line with broadcasting standards.

Somewhere somehow something happened.  Suubi lya Buganda, a pressure group advocating for the rights of Baganda in the 2011 general elections was gaining momentum in Buganda and hurting the movement government in what was a movement strong region.  Will the re-opening of CBS Radio reverse the NRM rot in Buganda.

I hope not because for me CBS was never part of Ebyaffe.  If the government says that they close it again I’d say go ahead.  It’s not the radio station that hurt the government but the message that was being transmitted to the masses.  This message was the return of Ebyaffe.  These include ‘akenda’ the 9000sq miles that Uganda government confiscated from Buganda during the 1966 crisis.  The payment of rent arrears totaling sh 20 billion that the government has refused to pay to Buganda for use of her county properties and the refusal by the government to return the country to a federal system of government.

Also, it is this NRM government that made an attempt to remove Kabaka Mutebi from the throne claiming that he was not the real Kabaka of Buganda.  They refused to the Kabaka from visiting Bululi county in 2007 and Kayunga in 2010 citing security concerns.  Government has encouraged want away counties in Buganda and supported the Kaamuswaga to rebel against Mengo, legitimized Bunyoro’s illegitimate claims to Buganda counties in Singo, Bulemezi and Bululi.  At one time President Museveni was encouraging Basoga to claim Bugerere county.  In the background, the government was busy re-drawing the map of Uganda and eliminating the word ‘Buganda’ preferring to refer to Buganda as the central region.  Don’t forget the kidnappings of Buganda Kingdom officials Betty Nambooze and Peter Mayinga.

To finish off the kingdom, the Movement government has a proposed legislation in Parliament called the Kampala Bill.  The contents are the last nail in the coffin for Buganda as we know it because Buganda counties of Busiro, Kyadondo, Kyagwwe and Mawokota will be taken out of Buganda and placed under central government control.  In effect ending Buganda as a viable future ‘Federal’ entity.

At one time the President referred to ‘Akenda’ as “Public Land in Buganda” and went on a campaign to rally the whole country against Buganda.  All this was being done without provocation and despite the fact that President Museveni got 1.74 million votes from Buganda at the last general election.  Giving up Buganda, the Kabaka and identinty was the price Baganda had to pay for voting and standing by the NRM government for the last 25 years.

Unfortunately for President Museveni, these issues remained on people’s lips even when CBS has been closed.  Infact Baganda started to identify themselves as victims of a slow genocide and there’s a case at the United Nations.  Buganda Nationalism became stronger and the anthem ‘Ekitibwa kya’Buganda is now a must sing at every major Buganda function in the community.  For Museveni closing down CBS has been a sad failure and reversing it a humiliating retreat.   Should we welcome it?  No.  Because our focus is on ‘Ebyaffe’ and NOT CBS radio.

We should instead ensure that we do not have NRM MP’s anywhere in Buganda .  Museveni and his regime are hostile to Buganda and cannot be trusted with power and our destiny.  If you give them power again during the 2011 elections their actions in government could be worse.  Don’t rule out total enslavement of Baganda in the next 5 to 10 years.  Already they are creating districts around the kingdom for the purpose of being able to create sub-autonomous entities in Buganda.

Stay away from anyone from the movement if you love Buganda and Uganda.  It is in the interest of Uganda that the Buganda question is solved.

Michael Senyonjo

Is it true that the Kabaka is evicting people in Buziga?


Dear Baganda,

Look at the list below of 472 individuals facing eviction by your Kabaka Mutebi in Buziga.  Note that 83% are his subjects.What do you say about this?


1 Aguti Gertrude  
2 Ameru Okello  
3 Arifiore Fred  
4 Arthur Franco  
5 Asea Apollo  
6 Ayebare Lawrence  
7 Babiita Tracy  
8 Babirye Rose MUGANDA
9 Baligasima Herbert MUGANDA
10 Balungu Hanifa MUGANDA
11 Bamutenda JB MUGANDA
12 Banya Alice   
13 Basalide Joseph MUGANDA
14 Bbosa David Alex MUGANDA
15 Bbosa Kulumba Sheff MUGANDA
16 Bossa David MUGANDA
17 Brusa David  
18 Bukenya Grace  MUGANDA
19 Bukware A  
20 Buni Bosco  
21 Busulwa Herbert MUGANDA
22 Bwanika Lukoma MUGANDA
23 Bwebuga Erisa MUGANDA
24 Byabagambi Rehema   
25 Byabagambi Simon  
26 Byamugisha Robert  
27 Byarugaba JN  
28 Byekwaso K Bright  MUGANDA
29 Capatini J  
30 Ddamulira David  MUGANDA
31 Ddamulira Tom MUGANDA
32 Ddungu Peter MUGANDA
33 Edi Semusu MUGANDA
34 Feeti Nelson  
35 Fuluwero Joseph MUGANDA
36 Gamba Muhammad    
37 Ganyana Grace  
38 Godfrey Bahingwa (Dr)  
39 Goloba Francis MUGANDA
40 Gombya Eddie  MUGANDA
41 Guelere Cornnelius  
42 Gulere Grace  
43 Gumonye Issa   
44 Hadija Naava MUGANDA
45 Hannington Nsubuga MUGANDA
46 Haspher Nalyowa Kaddu MUGANDA
47 Ibrahim Nsamba (Haj) MUGANDA
48 Iddi Ramadhan  
49 Iga Abdu (Haj) MUGANDA
50 Iga Ali MUGANDA
51 Iga Hassan MUGANDA
52 Isabirye Paul Esau  
53 Jaggwe Haroon Sheikh MUGANDA
54 Jamba Peter MUGANDA
55 Jemba Peter MUGANDA
56 Jjemba R MUGANDA
57 Jumba Masagazi (Haj) MUGANDA
58 Jumba Ronne MUGANDA
59 Kabanda M MUGANDA
60 Kabenge Isaac MUGANDA
61 Kaboggoza George MUGANDA
62 Kaboggoza Hussein MUGANDA
63 Kabogoza Stephen MUGANDA
64 Kabugo Godfrey MUGANDA
65 Kabuye Samson Kironde MUGANDA
66 Kafeero Sarah MUGANDA
67 Kaggwa S. MUGANDA
68 Kagimu Stanley MUGANDA
69 Kaitesi Sylvia  
70 Kakande Alex MUGANDA
71 Kakembo Muhammed MUGANDA
72 Kakembo Zam MUGANDA
73 Kakola Teddy MUGANDA
74 Kakomo Jimmy  MUGANDA
75 Kakonge Fred  
76 Kalanzi B MUGANDA
77 Kalanzi Ester  MUGANDA
78 Kalanzi Godfrey MUGANDA
79 Kalema Frank MUGANDA
80 Kalule Fauzu  MUGANDA
81 Kalule Godfrey Jjingo MUGANDA
82 Kalule Joseph MUGANDA
83 Kalule Mohles Segululigamba MUGANDA
84 Kalungi James MUGANDA
85 Kalungi Twaha MUGANDA
86 Kamanzi Barnerd   
87 Kamasu Edith MUGANDA
88 Kamoga Leonard MUGANDA
89 Kamugisha R F  
90 Kamuli Emma MUGANDA
91 Kanyiga Mawejje MUGANDA
92 Kasiita MUGANDA
93 Kasiita Keneth MUGANDA
94 Kasiko Margaret MUGANDA
95 Kasirivu Ponsiano MUGANDA
96 Kasozi P MUGANDA
97 Kasujja Wilson MUGANDA
98 Kasule Denis MUGANDA
99 Kasumba Abbey MUGANDA
100 Katamba Godfrey MUGANDA
101 Katamba Henry MUGANDA
102 Katende Patrcik MUGANDA
103 Kateregga Richard MUGANDA
104 Kateregga Vincent MUGANDA
105 Kato Wumalu MUGANDA
106 Katumba Hamid MUGANDA
107 Katungi Norma  
108 Kavuma Fred MUGANDA
109 Kaweesa Simon MUGANDA
110 Kawere Juma MUGANDA
111 Kawonawo  MUGANDA
112 Kawooya Peter MUGANDA
113 Kawooya  MUGANDA
114 Kayondo John MUGANDA
115 Kayondo Pius MUGANDA
116 Kayongo Ronald MUGANDA
117 Kepe Alex  
118 Kibirige Ali MUGANDA
119 Kibuule Deo MUGANDA
120 Kiganda Said MUGANDA
121 Kiggundu Juliet MUGANDA
122 Kiggundu Juliet MUGANDA
123 Kiggundu Vincent MUGANDA
124 Kigongo Muwanga MUGANDA
125 Kigongo Sam MUGANDA
126 Kigozi Deogratius MUGANDA
127 Kigozi Deogratius  MUGANDA
128 Kigundu Doreen  MUGANDA
129 Kigundu Vincent MUGANDA
130 Kijjo Patrick MUGANDA
131 Kikulwe Enoch MUGANDA
132 Kikulwe Joyce  MUGANDA
133 Kimbowa Isma MUGANDA
134 Kimbowa Robert MUGANDA
135 Kimbugwe Peter MUGANDA
136 Kimera Peter MUGANDA
137 Kindo Emmanuel MUGANDA
138 Kinene David MUGANDA
139 Kintu Prossy  MUGANDA
140 Kitenda Zahara MUGANDA
141 Kivumbi Edward MUGANDA
142 Kiwanuka Annet  MUGANDA
143 Kiwanuka Ben  MUGANDA
144 Kiwanuka David MUGANDA
145 Kiwanuka Esther MUGANDA
146 Kiyaga Andrew MUGANDA
147 Kiyimba Mitto Richard MUGANDA
148 Kizito Fred  MUGANDA
149 Kizito Muahammed MUGANDA
150 Kizito Richard MUGANDA
151 Kizza Nsigeye Sarah MUGANDA
152 Kizza Stenon MUGANDA
153 Kulanju Willy MUGANDA
154 Kyamulabi Katende MUGANDA
155 Kyemwa Paul MUGANDA
156 Kyobe A MUGANDA
157 Kyobe Geofrey MUGANDA
158 Kyomugisha Agnes  
159 Latib Mwanje (Haj) MUGANDA
160 Lipo Alex  
161 Lubega Ali MUGANDA
162 Lubega Augustine MUGANDA
163 Lubega Francis MUGANDA
164 Lubega Musa MUGANDA
165 Lubega Mustapha MUGANDA
166 Lubowa A G (Eng)  MUGANDA
167 Lubowa Haruna MUGANDA
168 Lubowa Margaret MUGANDA
169 Lubowa Nasser  MUGANDA
170 Lubowa Racheal MUGANDA
171 Lubowa Richard MUGANDA
172 Lubowa Richard  MUGANDA
173 Lubwama P MUGANDA
174 Lugolobi Andrew MUGANDA
175 Lukago Betty MUGANDA
176 Lukoma Fred MUGANDA
177 Lule Daniel  MUGANDA
178 Lutaaya Janat MUGANDA
179 Lutaaya Sande MUGANDA
180 Luyima Fred MUGANDA
181 Lwesse Hussein MUGANDA
182 Maganda Albert MUGANDA
183 Magezi Bruno  
184 Maggie Kaggwa MUGANDA
185 Magoba Rose MUGANDA
186 Makumbi Patrick Ps. MUGANDA
187 Male Peter MUGANDA
188 Male Solomon MUGANDA
189 Malege Ddiba MUGANDA
190 Margaret Kasiko MUGANDA
191 Mariam Nabagulanyi MUGANDA
192 Matovu ALI (Haj) MUGANDA
193 Matovu Charles  MUGANDA
194 Mayanja Joseph MUGANDA
195 Mayanja Muhammed MUGANDA
196 Mayanja R MUGANDA
197 Mayega Henry MUGANDA
198 Mayishara Kawagu MUGANDA
199 Mbabali Abbas MUGANDA
200 Mboowa David MUGANDA
201 Miiro Chamis MUGANDA
202 Misi Zakaria MUGANDA
203 Mohammed Salim Khan  
204 Mpaka Fred  MUGANDA
205 Mpanga Ibrahim MUGANDA
206 Mpanga Ssenyonjo  MUGANDA
207 Mpanju Sulaiman MUGANDA
208 Mpiima Awali MUGANDA
209 Mpiira MUGANDA
210 Mubiru (Mrs) MUGANDA
211 Mubiru Abdu Nasser MUGANDA
212 Mubiru Ahmed  MUGANDA
213 Mubiru Hassan MUGANDA
214 Mubiru Moses MUGANDA
215 Mubiru Moses  MUGANDA
216 Muddu Awulira MUGANDA
217 Mugagga Julius MUGANDA
218 Muganga Martin MUGANDA
219 Mugerwa Abbey Lukwago MUGANDA
220 Mugerwa M MUGANDA
221 Mugerwa  MUGANDA
222 Mugisha Patrick Kagwa  
223 Mugoya Richard  
224 Muhairwe Patrick Immaculate  
225 Muhima Richard  
226 Mujjumba Richard MUGANDA
227 Mujuni Harriet  
228 Mujuni Milton  
229 Mujuzi Deborah MUGANDA
230 Mujuzi Henry MUGANDA
231 Mukabya Abbey  MUGANDA
232 Mukalazi MUGANDA
233 Mukalazi Sarah MUGANDA
234 Mukasa James MUGANDA
235 Mukasa Malia MUGANDA
236 Mukasa Patrick MUGANDA
237 Mukooli Edward  
238 Mulangira Jackson MUGANDA
239 Mulangira Ssalongo Mutebi John MUGANDA
240 Mulinda Fred MUGANDA
241 Mulogo Peter MUGANDA
242 Munawa Bakunda  
243 Musanje MUGANDA
244 Musisi MUGANDA
245 Musisi Abdul MUGANDA
246 Musisi Joseph MUGANDA
247 Musisi Ssalongo James MUGANDA
248 Musisi Y MUGANDA
249 Musitwa P MUGANDA
250 Musoke Abdu MUGANDA
251 Musoke Geofrey MUGANDA
252 Musoke Lillian MUGANDA
253 Musoke Raphael MUGANDA
254 Musunza Mathias MUGANDA
255 Mutebi Joseph MUGANDA
256 Mutesiyensi Kensi  
257 Mutoni Jane  
258 Mutyaba Eddie MUGANDA
259 Muwanga Jeff MUGANDA
260 Muwanga John  MUGANDA
261 Muwanga Teo MUGANDA
262 Muyimba Bruhan MUGANDA
263 Muyingo Swaibu MUGANDA
264 Muyomba Vincent MUGANDA
265 Muzamir Kiyemba MUGANDA
266 Mwajunzi Mike MUGANDA
267 Mwanje Charles MUGANDA
268 Mwanje Emmanuel MUGANDA
269 Mwanje R (Haj) MUGANDA
270 Mwesige David  
271 Mwesigye Dakta  
272 Mwesigye Edward   
273 Nabakooza Cissy  MUGANDA
274 Nabala Angella MUGANDA
275 Nabayinda Aida  MUGANDA
276 Nagadya Florence MUGANDA
277 Nagawa Asia MUGANDA
278 Nagguya Jessica MUGANDA
279 Nakacwa Joyce MUGANDA
280 Nakanabi Aisha MUGANDA
281 Nakanwagi Margaret MUGANDA
282 Nakato Sylvia MUGANDA
283 Nakatudde Brenda MUGANDA
284 Nakayiwa Margaret MUGANDA
285 Nakimera Afwa Kajubi MUGANDA
286 Nakintu Florence MUGANDA
287 Nakintu Jalia MUGANDA
288 Nakku P MUGANDA
289 Nalongo Buyinja MUGANDA
290 Nalongo Kaggwa R MUGANDA
291 Nalongo Kulisitina MUGANDA
292 Nalongo Mary MUGANDA
293 Nalongo Nakibinge MUGANDA
294 Nalongo Nkuubi MUGANDA
295 Nalongo Sseruwagi MUGANDA
296 Nalubega Annet MUGANDA
297 Naluyima Josephine MUGANDA
298 Namaalwa Nalongo MUGANDA
299 Namakula Barbara MUGANDA
300 Namala Maria MUGANDA
301 Namala Suzan MUGANDA
302 Namalwa Mary MUGANDA
303 Nambi Sophia MUGANDA
304 Namuddu E/Sam Ssali MUGANDA
305 Namuganza Milly MUGANDA
306 Namuli Sophia MUGANDA
307 Namusisi Alice  MUGANDA
308 Namuwonge Betty MUGANDA
309 Namwanje Ruth MUGANDA
310 Nandawula Rosette MUGANDA
311 Nankabirwa Aisha MUGANDA
312 Nansubuga M MUGANDA
313 Nantale Mishi MUGANDA
314 Nanva Kadija MUGANDA
315 Nanyonga Rose MUGANDA
316 Nanziri Sarah MUGANDA
317 Nanziri Topi MUGANDA
318 Nasani Sewambo MUGANDA
319 Nasir Farouqi  
320 Nassolo Phiromela MUGANDA
321 Nassolo Rose MUGANDA
322 Nattuba Agnes MUGANDA
323 Nayiga Annet MUGANDA
324 Nazziwa Mary MUGANDA
325 Ndawula Bamutalira  MUGANDA
326 Ndawula Fred MUGANDA
327 Ndibowa Stephen  
328 Ndilangwa Siliman   
329 Ngobi Julius  
330 Njayira Muhamadi  MUGANDA
331 Nkabanoha Alex (Dr)  
332 Nkubana Cossy   
333 Nkwasire Julius  
334 Nsamba Yiga MUGANDA
335 Nsereko Lukwago  MUGANDA
336 Nsereko Sulaiman MUGANDA
337 Nserimi Bagampadde MUGANDA
338 Nsigaye Ceasar  
339 Nsobya Ismail MUGANDA
340 Nsubuga Cyrus MUGANDA
341 Nsubuga Hannington MUGANDA
342 Ntale Jackson MUGANDA
343 Ntambi Mutale MUGANDA
344 Ntanda Ahmedi MUGANDA
345 Ntanda Janat MUGANDA
346 Ntende Charles MUGANDA
347 Ntobola Sharifah MUGANDA
348 Ntulume B Sebadduka MUGANDA
349 Ntulume Florence MUGANDA
350 Nusubuga Cyrus MUGANDA
351 Nuwagaba Herbert  
352 Nyandwi Elphas MUGANDA
353 Nyombi Yahya MUGANDA
354 Nyongesa Jospeh  
355 Ochola Anthony  
356 Okello A Jacob  
357 Okello Ouma (Prof)  
358 Olsuth Hussein  
359 Olum Francis  
360 Pude Christopher  MUGANDA
361 Rehema Katabazi  MUGANDA
362 Rwendeire Richard  
363 Salasamba Henry Semusambwa MUGANDA
364 Sali Nakiwala MUGANDA
365 Salongo Yuliko MUGANDA
366 Samba Henry MUGANDA
367 Sambwa Agnes MUGANDA
368 Sande Rogers MUGANDA
369 Sanyu Kizza (Hajat) MUGANDA
370 Sarah Kibirige MUGANDA
371 Sebuyira Fred MUGANDA
372 Sejjoba Isaac (Hon)  MUGANDA
373 Sekamate Joram MUGANDA
374 Sekitto Richard MUGANDA
375 Seliatema T James MUGANDA
376 Sembatya Henry MUGANDA
377 Sempa Emanuel MUGANDA
378 Sendagala Charles MUGANDA
379 Sendege Vincent MUGANDA
380 Sendi Paul MUGANDA
381 Serunjogi David MUGANDA
382 Sewambwa Nathan  MUGANDA
383 Ssali Lamula MUGANDA
384 Ssali Matayo MUGANDA
385 Ssalongo Godfrey MUGANDA
386 Ssebankyayira JB MUGANDA
387 Ssebuliba Paul (Dr) MUGANDA
388 Ssebulime Fred MUGANDA
389 Ssebulime T MUGANDA
390 Ssebunya Moses MUGANDA
391 Ssegirinya Francis MUGANDA
392 Sseguya Denis MUGANDA
393 Ssejoba Mayanja MUGANDA
394 Ssekabira Mark MUGANDA
395 Ssekamatte Juram MUGANDA
396 Ssekasamba Jimmy MUGANDA
397 Ssekito Hamza MUGANDA
398 Ssekito Richard MUGANDA
399 Ssemakula Robert MUGANDA
400 Ssembajwe John Ssenabulya Ronald MUGANDA
401 Ssendiisa M MUGANDA
402 Ssengendo John Bosco MUGANDA
403 Ssengendo Joseph MUGANDA
404 Ssengendo Rachael MUGANDA
405 Ssengo Rashid MUGANDA
406 Ssengonzi Christine  MUGANDA
407 Ssenkali Kivumbi MUGANDA
408 Ssentalo Gerald MUGANDA
409 Ssentamu Shepherd MUGANDA
410 Ssentongo Gladys MUGANDA
411 Ssenyange Mariam MUGANDA
412 Ssenyange Paul MUGANDA
413 Ssenyonga Farid MUGANDA
414 Ssenyonga G W Mbuya MUGANDA
415 Ssenyonga Jane   MUGANDA
416 Ssenyonga Lameck MUGANDA
417 Ssenyonga Mbuga MUGANDA
418 Ssenyonjo Ashraf  MUGANDA
419 Ssenyonjo Daniel MUGANDA
420 Ssenyonjo Kakyama MUGANDA
421 Sserugo Erias MUGANDA
422 Sserugo Erias Sheikh   MUGANDA
423 Sserunga Muniru MUGANDA
424 Sserunjogi Godfrey MUGANDA
425 Sserunjogi John MUGANDA
426 Sserunkuma Mike MUGANDA
427 Sseruwagi Brian MUGANDA
428 Sseruwagi Daniel MUGANDA
429 Sseruwagi Henry MUGANDA
430 Sserwanga Charles MUGANDA
431 Ssesaazi Robert MUGANDA
432 Ssesanga Moses MUGANDA
433 Ssewava Henry MUGANDA
434 Ssewaya Steven MUGANDA
435 Ssinabulya Dorothy MUGANDA
436 Ssonko David MUGANDA
437 Ssonko Edward MUGANDA
438 Ssonko Olivia  MUGANDA
439 Sunday Herbert MUGANDA
440 Tamukedde Muhammed MUGANDA
441 Tamukedde Muluya MUGANDA
442 Tamusange Hawali MUGANDA
443 Tenwya Charles   
444 Tigawalana Godfrey  
445 Tommy Mills  
446 Tondo Thomas MUGANDA
447 Tugumisirize Prossy  
448 Turyakira Armstrong  
449 Turyakira Ketrah  
450 Turyamwijuka Silvanus  
451 Turyatunga Herbert  
452 Twebaze Maruh G  
453 Twesigye Silver  
454 Vaale  
455 Vicky Ollson  
456 Wabuna Sophia   
457 Wadda Rosette MUGANDA
458 Walusimbi Dalton MUGANDA
459 Wamala David MUGANDA
460 Wamala Hadija MUGANDA
461 Wamala Mutyaba  MUGANDA
462 Wampamba Patrick MUGANDA
463 Wanyama Ben  MUGANDA
464 Wasswa Hassan MUGANDA
465 Waswa (Haj) MUGANDA
466 Were Willy  
467 Zalwango Florence MUGANDA
468 Zimula Robert MUGANDA
469 Ziraba Makumbi MUGANDA
470 Zzingu Patrick MUGANDA
471 Zziwa Akram MUGANDA
472 Zziwa Akram MUGANDA


Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto

How Much has been done on the 350 sq miles of Buganda land so far?


The Kabaka holds the land in trust
Publication date: Monday, 9th June, 2008
Letter of the day

EDITOR—I wish to add some value to Pereza Ahabwe’s article published on May 29. In the article, Ahabwe stated that the land Bill attempts to protect the ordinary people. I fully support his view.

However, I wish to correct one mistake which many people make believing that the 350 sq miles of Buganda land was given to the Kabaka as his personal property.

The fact is when the 1900 Buganda Agreement was made, several parcels of land were allotted to the kabaka, katikiro Omulamuzi saza and gombolola chiefs as official mailo estates.

The kabaka was to hold the land in trust for the baganda with a restriction not to transfer or sell the land under his trust but to collect busulu and envujjo for his welfare.

This explains why all the sekabakas, including Sir Edward Mutesa never sold, transferred or converted official mailo estates into their own names as personal property.

If this had been allowed to do so, the current Kabaka, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi would have found nothing left! Article 246(3)(a) of the Constitution of Uganda 1995, imposed on a traditional leader a duty to hold assets or property like official mailo estates in trust for the baganda so that the Kabaka became a mere trustee while the Baganda are the beneficiaries of the 350 sq miles. It is also quite clear that when the Government decided to give 350 sq miles to the kabaka under Article 118(4) of the Constitution (Amendment) Statute, 1993(Statute No 7 of 1993) the kabaka was to hold the 350 square miles as a trustee for the baganda, the beneficiaries not in his personal capacity as private property.

It appears kabaka Mutebi considers himself as the last Kabaka and is busy winding up the kabakaship! This is a very serious matter which Mengo has created as it goes down to the root of the kingdom. I strongly contend that the formation of a private company, Rexba Ltd, whose shareholders/members are a selected few individuals from the Mengo establishment to which company the Kabaka as a trustee transferred the kabakas’ official mailo estates without the consent of baganda through an elected Lukiiko, will soon or later cause a constitutional crisis. Baganda like dan Mulika will challenge the Kabaka the transfer of this land to Rexba where Mutebi holds 99% shares and his son Jjunju hold 1% in a Constitutional Court. The Kabaka as a trustee has no legal power to transfer trust property to himself as an individual. The law of tracing will in future catch up with him.

Kulumba Kiingi
This article can be found on-line at:

Kingdoms, Chiefdoms can reduce misery of subjects


Dear people,

The government develops a lot! Well markets, investment and money can’t develop Nimule and Oraba or Koboko outlets for home made goods to Southern Sudan? In Kampala just one company with so many names, was hired by Kampala City Council (kcc) to collect market dues from Nakasero, Owino, and City traders’ licence! Yet both, the City Markets and Rental shops remained in such deplorable conditions, only fit for pigs (swine). NRM political educated class, couldn’t see or hear anything from their gangsters’ paradises! Since 1986 to date, Luwero police officers are working from and sleeping in grass huts! A buffoon Idi Amin and other political idiots must be laughing uncontrollably.

The Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Toro, Acoli, Bunyoro, Ankole, Buganda, Alur, Itesot, Busoga, etc., should rectify the situation nrm has forced onto the people, before its too late. Which Kingdoms and Chiefdoms can fail to set up a construction company to serve the above purpose cooperatively or as a joint venture?

Afrikaners can for once understand, Africans since time immemorial have lived in communities and not slums, a mind-boggling perception gap. Kingdoms and Chiefdoms should start regional housing construction companies and lease out communally owned land. Travel to the Kingdom of Denmark, Sweden and Norway and be taught something new.

Just imagine

  1. Each Kingdom or Chiefdom utilised ever year, just only 800 acres of land.
  2. Each acreage could have three housing blocks, with 18 three-four roomed flats, self contained with proper toilets and cooking place. Even though Africans are perpetually dirty to deserve sucha Public Hygiene Act 1964.
  3. 600 acres would be utilised to build 11 such flats each year and in different locations as need arises.
  4. 11 flats will have a reasonable 198 (11 blocks x 18 three-four roomed flats) residential facilities.
  5. 100 acres will be reserved for community villas sold to senior citizens or the cream of that particular society i.e. Professors, Medical Workers, District Directors, etc.
  6. The rest 200 acres could contain playing fields, (i.e. tennis courts, volleyball, football) some forested areas, fishing areas, simple gardens, simple shopping centres, and prayer places, community schools, kindergarten, parking and access roads.

Implying the working rank and file in Teso, Akole, Kigezi or Arua and Banyankole will be able to have a place of abode without too much concern, about Land Speculation. “A-B” above offers a choice to even the nrm gangsters, to lease a flat or buy a villa in the same community.

Land speculation is dangerously eroding and devastating the ecological and moral imbalance in all communities.  Jinja, Mbarara, Kabale, Arua, Mbale have jumped on Kampala madness. In Lira Town Council, well-planned playgrounds are demarcated and sold to local administrators!  Schools and hospitals likewise so! In Jinja what was designed as resting Green Park was given away to a developer! Yes developers indeed. Once land on which Stanbic Mbarara sits, was almost grabbed splitting the building housing the bank into two plots!!!

It is a form of hooligandom nrm modernisation stance into!

Just imagine the slumasation going on everywhere – and some typical Africa Estate Developers lying claim to be developing. Building estates with pit latrines! Then nrm goes on, all the way to claim, “yes build the more, we will provide you roads, and water points plus Umeme transformers on the election day” .

Land speculation, burst into flames of endless corruption that has engulfed all societies, young as well as old, women and men. Why is it that there was no land speculation during the Brutish colonial era – yes because nrm clerks had houses to live in.

Bwanika, Luwero Nakyesawa

Kabaka Mutebi Should Chose Between 92.72 Acres OF Makerere And 570.813 Acres Of Kibale

Dear Baganda,
1/7 We know that the question of Makerere land by petulant, tantrum throwing Mmengo is diversionary.  RM Mutebi is facing bigger difficulties sitting comfortably on the throne and together with his retainers, he will do anything to attempt to distract attention from those problems.  You know the challenges that he is facing from the extra-Mutesa Chwa line.
2/7 Beisdes that, you may have to be a bit economical with some of your assertions on what Mmengo can reasonably lay claim in respect of what is Buganda, and of Buganda.  I see some people state: Makerere is in Buganda. It was built in the Buganda Kingdom autonomy times on land that belonged to the Kingdom, to the Kabaka then.  If we get more people out there making assertions like those, things will turn very interesting even for RM Mutebi himself, personally.
3/7 Example:  Is Buyaga or Bugangaizi in Buganda?  Why should Mmengo royals own tracts of land there?  What do I mean?  According to records in the land department, plot 1 block 42 with 1,433 hectares in Buyaga belongs to Kabaka Mutesa II while Ronald Mutebi himself owns plot 3, block 90, measuring 231 hectares (570.833) in Bugangaizi.  That is a total of 4,111.833 acres between those two good gentlemen.  The government is aware of that fact, and the people of Kibale, in Bunyoro Kingdom also know that fact, so do their supporters.
4/7 In the map below, those red bits are the tracts of land in Bunyoro Kingdom that are owned by Buganda Royals.  All of the purple is owned by Baganda absentee landlords.
5/7 And some people were quoted on the UAH forum then say: If a visitor came to your home, assuming that you are married, and you slept in the children’s bedroom in honour of your visitor. Then the days when he should leave come to pass but he is still there and does not even mention of leaving at any time, starts to order everyone around like he is the Nyampara or you.”
6/7 Visitor?  Do you know that the people of Kibale, whose headquarters is on land fully owned by a Muganda were actually not just visited, but were savagely invaded, roasted in caves and literally enslaved? Do you know that up to now, when an old Munyoro man really wants to insult you he wil belch: “Kanyagwe Abaganda”, depicting the visit by the Nyamparas?
7/7 Why don’t Kabaka Mutebi supporters play the role of  a uniter instead of championing a hidebound line of reasoning?

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto

Museveni is no better than Iddil Amin or Obote


Dear Ugandans,

Ugandan leaders have all been the same with minor differences. If you trace carefully and critically, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni( YKM) is no different from Iddil Amin Dada and all the other past leaders he always despises. I expect the usual suspects to argue that YKM is miles ahead of the ruling class. Wapi. They have been a bunch of mediocre who failed to create long lasting stability in Uganda. Uganda today is no more stable than it was at the time of independence. Kingdoms were abolished but what did it achieve? Some could argue that it gave Uganda YKM.

Idil Amin was president of Uanda( 1971-79)

See how his admirers measure transformation; YKM is supposed to be better because UPDF is more people friendly. Or he has allowed this or that or that people can at least sleep.

But if Ugandans were to be honest there is no social, political, economic transformation in Uganda. The people are again worried about the future. As The late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga famously wrote” it is not yet Uhuru” in Uganda. I dare anyone in Ugandans At HEART (UAH) to come forward and make the case that Uganda has undergone positive transformation since independence.

The national education system ended with Amin. Up to 1979, it did not matter much where one went to school. They had a fare shot at success. Things went downhill since then.

All past leaders and YKM shine from time to time in the eyes of their admirers because those who came after/before them set the bar so low. Look at YKM on corruption; it would be a real idiot who would not be better on his record. YKM is also the most tribalistic leader EVER in the history of Uganda and has no shame about it. He has screwed that country like never before, but because in some areas he is yet to reach the lows set by his predecessors, Ugandans still give him the benefit of the doubt, and YKM also goes chest thumping about it. The sad part is that Ugandans tolerate and even worship mediocrity in all spheres.

Yes, the Kingdoms can play a positive role in society. Why is it that the golden days in Buganda when Ugandans from all over the country could settle in Buganda without any problems was before or shortly after independence? Look at Ghana where cultural institutions are accepted and actually respected. No Ghanaian president can talk such nonsense you hear from YKM about kingdoms or traditional chiefs. A Ghanaian friend told me last week that his brother’s funeral is on hold in Accra because under the Gaa-the original ethnic groups around Accra-traditions, funerals cannot place there for some time. They are celebrating their traditions. There are Ugandans here in UAH forum that live in Ghana and can testify to that.

Now to the question some people wanted to ask: suppose Uganda was to embrace federalism how would Kingdoms fit in? Actually the question was settled in 1955 by what is famously known as the Namirembe Agreement of October 1955, which made it clear that Kingdom rulers would be Constitutional Monarchs like the Queen of England is today. I will not abuse the intelligence of UAH folks by explaining what a constitutional monarch is. So when you read Monday’s editorial in the New vision, you begin to understand what we are talking about: mediocrity all over. And by the way, the Namirembe agreement of 1955 applied to all kingdoms not just Buganda. The media in Uganda seems to be ignorant of this famous Agreement based on what they continue to spew out in their pages or editorials whenever YKM speaks out.

So people, ask yourself this question: why is it the case that in Uganda you see people-will not call them leaders-pretending to have what it takes to lead DP, UPC and other opposition parties. Some of the people in those political parties who offered to lead them should never have been in the race in the first place, but because mediocrity is now more or less the norm in Uganda, they offered themselves, and managed to cause chaos in opposition parties.

I am not going to get into the business of naming names here but take a critical look at the pretenders who threaten the identities of their respective parties? Are those the calibre of leaders to take down their traditional parties or to fight and die for? Put differently is the current NEC line up in political parties, particularly DP, in Uganda ,are they there on merit and have something to offer the country in terms of leadership.

UAH forumist in NewYork

Can M7 cut off Buganda’s head as he has threatened when he never created it


Can one destroy what one never made or has never created? One may pretennd to but only for purposes of self-satisfaction.   Read more views on the “Cutting off” bellow:

Summary: That M7 threatens to “cut” off Buganda or to cut it to size is a slogan anti-Buganda politicians have voiced all along, from the 50’s. This is done mainly to mebelise ant-ganda feelings from the rest of Uganda. But, most of those who have done so gave come, found Buganda and left her in place. You cannot remove Buganda from Uganda and she remains Uganda. That is like removing the cog from the wheel.

1/7. The main aim M7 threatens Buganda and especially Mmengo is because he wants to look democratic and yet, fears the mobelisation capabilities of Mmengo hence his threats (himself and via Karooro w/o Stanslas Okurut): “We shall reach Buganda without Mmengo”. If my means “abolishing” the Kabakaship, one can call these the tantrums of a spoilt child.

M7 cannot abolish kingdoms from the peoples’ hearts. What he can do, like AMO before him, is constrain them in space and time, as M7 is already doing.

2/7. Cut ‘off” Buganda would mean “taking the cog from the wheel. Want an example? Look at the former USSR: Article 5 of the Soviet Constitution allowed Republics to “leave the Union”, if they so wished.

3/7. The thought of the framers of the constitution, back in 1921, were of course thinking of the poor peripheral republics in Central Asia, the Caucasus, etc.

4/7. But check what one mad man Yeltsin, a Russian tribalist (sorry, Bazungu cannot be tribalists, so we say “nationalist”) decides to take away ‘Mother Russia’  from the Union, invoking article 15 of the constitution. The rest is history.

5/7. In other words, Buganda can only be destroyed from inside and that is the method M7 is going to try, by electing a Katikiro, for example, not answerable to the Kabaka but to him {via the Regional Tier) and by bribing many Baganda with ‘office’.

6/7. Cutting off Buganda: What M7 really means is not that he will wipe Buganda from the project that is Uganda. He only wants to become Kabaka (in charge of Baganda) and this, he can do on the surface but not in people’s hearts.

7/7. Conclusion: Mt believes that by giving every sib-clan a district, he will have managed to destroy Uganda (and therefore Buganda) but he can not, especially in the case of the later, as the Kabakaship is a hurdle. In other words, M7 does not have Yelstsin’s luck on his side. He is only drunk with power and may soon behave like King Canute [of England], who thought he could control natural phenomena like the flow of tides. M7 too thinks he can control the thinking of people. No way.

Christopher Muwanga,





Dear people, who are ignorant of the culture and tradition of kingdoms and kings and queens,

I am sorry for you because you will never understand or grasp why almost every move or journey or word the Kabaka takes or does or says is important to his subjects.Until you will reincarnate into a culture of kingdoms it will always be difficult for you to comprehend kingdoms and kings and queens and the influence they hold on their peoples.Had you been born into such a culture you would not be asking yourselves why it is important to headline news of the Kabaka’s travels and dealings with this or that one.

What most people do not know is that kingdoms originate in the Second Spiritual Plane in the cosmology and cosmogony of the universes. From that cosmic high they karmically connect with the peoples or souls in their kingdoms. Often even the kings and queens are unaware of this and have no direct personal knowledge of this unless and until they have themselves spiritually awakened to attain that kind of divine illumination. When they do they become God-Kings.Because our planet earth degenerated spiritually, we no longer possess God-Kings (Self-Realized Kings or Queens). But there was a time when such kings or queens lived and reigned on earth.

This is indicated by the ancient traditional name-titles ascribed to those ancient Kings and the fact they had supernatural powers with which they could perform miracles and wonders. Such names include among others; Lubambansi in Buganda; Rubambansi in Ankore; Magulunnyondo in Buganda, Rukirabashaija in Toro and Bunyoro; Ssaabasajja in Buganda; Umwami in Rwanda; etc.

But if you asked many of the modern-day peoples in these various kingdoms, they cannot explain to you the true meanings and reasons behind these name-titles for their kings. They can only explain or understand their literal or superficial meaning. One needs to have studied the Esoteric Cultural Anthropology/Ethnology in order to understand what more of what I am talking about here.

The divine wisdom and purpose behind kingdoms and kings was to a great degree unfortunately lost. But these blood successors of the ancient God-Kings carry the divine vibrations and the esoteric energy within them and this is demonstrated by the love and respect their subjects still have for them.

That esoteric energy attracts people to these kings or queens almost naturally; it even attracts people outside of their geographical kingdoms. Why? Because there are always people in other ethnic groups who were once born in kingdoms and had only re-embodied in ethnicities without kingdoms.

So such individuals will naturally be attracted to the kingdoms and kings. A very good example of this was that of the late Daudi Ocheng who was greatly a friend of Sir Edward Muteesa, the late Kabaka of Buganda. Persons of different ethnic groupings all over the world are attracted to the kingdoms and are friends who admire kings and queens. They have no quarrels with kingdom instutitions. In my travels abroud I have met individuals who have great respect for kings and queens but are not born in kingdoms themselves.

So, for those who wonder why the Baganda rush to prostrate before the king almost without having to think why they do so, it is an inherent cosmic energy originating from the cosmic fire kingdoms and kings karmically hold with these people esoterically.

Those Baganda who voluntarily prostrate and desire for the Kabaka to walk on their backs are naturally attracted to this cosmic fire energy connection which to onlookers ignorant of the energy behind this, it is but a phenomenon! Some even call it a stupid thing but it is not.

On the material or physical level, remember that in some kingdoms, the Kings are directly connected to all their subjects through a matriachal system in which the king taken on the clan of his mother giving a chance to all the clans to have a king down the line.This then becomes a unifying factor. It unifies the people to the kingdom throne with the result that every one feels they have a bloodline to the kingdom. This is common especially in Buganda.

With the exception of some clans that have been set up in later decades and centuries, all of the original clans in Buganda appear to have held a Kabaka. Hence you find that different Kabaka have belonged to different Clans down the line.

Think I that this explanation sheds more light to the understanding of the Kabaka phenomena which defeated Milton Obote to comprehend and hence the reason he collided or conflicted with the Kabaka. Long before the 1966 crisis, Obote had expressed negative sentiments about the kingdoms.

Because modern day kings may not have the esoteric or divine comprehension of their purpose and beingness, they may land into troubles and conflicts with mordern day rulers and vice versa. This may be the same reason why misunderstandings between President Museveni and the Kabaka of Buganda need to be resolved to avoid further conflicts. It is not a healthy energy to either party.

President Museveni is not ignorant of this and this is why he restored the kingdoms knowing the pivotal role they play amongst the lives of many people and in nations where they exist. Secondly, believe or deny it but Museveni somehow carries blood in his veins that connects to the ancient culture of kingdoms if not in this life-time, then at some point in past embodiments.

Esoteric Karmic fact: If Museveni ever violates or desecrates the kingdom/s he knows he would have to encounter or pay heavy karmic repercussions a some point in the future either in this or in the next life. While Obote has a karmic liabaility to settle in regard to the 1966 crisis and its resultant effects, Idi Amin stands to gain from the return of the body of King Freddie or Sir Edward Muteesa’s physical body to his ancestral home. That is how the Natural Law operates.

Such negative energy between the central government and the kingdom is unnecessary as it becomes the root cause of destabilization of national progress and peace. Why? Because there is an invisible underlying esoteric energy or force that will continue stirring up things until kingdoms are reset in their proper positions on earth.

Bhuka Bijumiro-Jjumiro

Northern Virginia, USA.

Why Doesn’t NRM get it?!!


U.N. Declaration affirms:

Indigenous peoples have the right to own, develop, control and use the lands and territories, including the total environment of the lands, air, waters, coastal seas, sea-ice, flora and fauna and other resources which they have traditionally owned or otherwise occupied or used. This includes the right to the full recognition of their laws, traditions and customs, land-tenure systems and institutions for the development and management of resources, and the right to effective measures by States to prevent any interference with, alienation of or encroachment upon these rights.

The people must rise up to claim their inalienable rights to knowledge.

In Worcester v. Georgia, one of the most cited domestic law judicial opinions in the world, Marshall wrote that the rights of discovery belonging to European discoverers under the European Law of Nations could not affect the property rights of the Indians of America, who were “already in possession, either as aboriginal occupants, or as occupants by virtue of a discovery made before the memory of man.”[225]

The existence of the colonial state of Uganda and its marionettes does not extinguish and or affect the property rights of Baganda, Madi, Bakiga innovations and discoveries, Acoli discovery of Christianity, Itesot discovery of animal husbandry and ajon brewing (fermentation). These so called  “tribes” (nations), clans and individuals were already in possession, either as aboriginal occupants or as occupants by virtue of their history and future, made before the memory of man. (bwanika)

ILO Convention No. 169 provides that “Governments shall have the responsibility for developing, with the participation of the peoples concerned, co-ordinated and systematic action to protect the rights of these peoples and to guarantee respect for their integrity.”[208] To that end, the Convention requires states to adopt special measures “as appropriate for safeguarding the persons, institutions, property, labour, cultures and environment of the peoples concerned.”[209]

In the context of a logging concession, for example, such positive measures might include measures in the design of the governing operational plan to prevent environmental impacts from road-building or timber harvesting that might harm indigenous peoples’ subsistence hunting and agricultural practices or interfere with access to sacred sites. Such measures might also include compensation for temporary or long-term degradation of soil or water quality. (Kampala)

Chapter 26 of Agenda 21 calls on states to adopt and give effect to the following measures, among others:

Adoption or strengthening of appropriate policies and/or legal instruments at the national level; Recognition that the lands of indigenous people and their communities should be protected from activities that are environmentally unsound or that the indigenous peoples concerned consider to be socially and culturally inappropriate;

Recognition of their values, traditional knowledge and resource management practices with a view to promoting environmentally sound and sustainable development.[211]

The impact of government-sanctioned resource extraction activities in indigenous peoples’ traditional territories that do not conform with this requirement not only reduces the ability of the affected cultural group to maintain its own economic and social integrity, it irredeemably changes the entire economic structure of the affected region. State-imposed economic exploitation of their lands and loss of resources deprives indigenous peoples of their traditional livelihoods, forcing them to participate in a new economic regime that they do not control. In this way the cultural fabric of the indigenous group slowly unravels, instead of “enriching the fabric of society as a whole” as anticipated by the U.N. Human Rights Committee.[212] The requirement of providing special safeguards is to protect indigenous peoples from such a fate.

Failure on the part of states to provide such demarcation and recognition of indigenous peoples’ properties and use areas results in difficult and threatening conditions for indigenous peoples. Without secure and defined land tenure, indigenous peoples invariably find their lands and habitats being encroached upon by outsiders. Indigenous peoples are then vulnerable to the practices of government officials who may regard indigenous peoples’ land as property of the state, and indigenous peoples are deprived of the ability to effectively and freely develop their lands and resources on their own terms.

A common law doctrine founded on unjust discrimination in the enjoyment of civil and political rights demands reconsideration. It is contrary both to international standards and to the fundamental values of our common law to entrench a discriminatory rule, which, because of the supposed position on the scale of social organization of the indigenous inhabitants of a settled colony, denies them a right to occupy their traditional lands.[161]

A state, therefore, cannot escape international responsibility by merely referring to its domestic laws or administrative practices. Rather, it has the obligation to change its internal laws and practices to recognize indigenous peoples’ rights in relation to lands and resources and, moreover, to take affirmative steps to protect them.

The Committee notes that “[p]ositive measures of protection are . . . required not only against acts of the State party itself, whether through its legislative, judicial or administrative authorities, but also against the acts of other persons within the State party.”[181]

………the indigenous peoples concerned lack specific state recognition and protection of their traditional lands, and, in the absence of such recognition, unwanted natural resource exploitation or other encroachments threaten their lands. In these situations the failure to take necessary protective measures lead to a violation of rights to property, culture, and physical well-being.





To all Baganda and friends of Buganda



WHAT: Fundraising for the restoration of Kasubi Tombs, the final resting place of Buganda kings since 1884. On the night of March 7, 2010, still unknown enemies of Buganda burnt the Kasubi Tombs to the ground.

For more information on Kasubi Tombs, visit:

WHEN: Saturday April 10, 2010

TIME: 3:00 PM – 8:00 PM

WHERE: The American Legion Drive – Union Township

3 Bond Drive, Union NJ 07083


WHY: Ssabasajja Kabaka, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II and all the people of Buganda look up to us to play our part towards restoring this great symbol of Baganda culture.

CONTRIBUTIONS AND MAILING ADDRESS: For those who can’t come due to an earlier commitment, but can contribute we say “Thanks”.  We will ensure that all fund-raising activities are well coordinated and all contributions are accounted for and transferred transparently to the Bank account designated for the Kasubi tombs restoration. 100% of all money raised will go to the Project of the Kasubi restoration and all participants will be updated with the fundraising activities’ status.  Please consider making a donation through Ggwangamujje NY/NJ Inc. (IRS Exempt Federal Income Tax Organization under the IRS code section 501 (c) (3)). Send your check under the name of Ggwangamujje NY/NJ Inc. earmarked for the restoration of Kasubi Tombs to the Treasurer’s Attn, Anne Mary Lule-Musoke,CPA


Awangaale Ssabasajja Kabaka ne Nnabagereka!

J. Sekamwa

Publicity Secretary

Ggwanga Mujje, NY/NJ

Cell: 908-3975848

For more information, please contact the committee members:

Sully Bunkeddeko                                               917-846-0922

Ggwangamujje NY/NJ, Chairman

Jackie Mirembe                                                   908-296-8540

Ggwangamujje Director

Wycliffe Lule-Musoke                                         908-591-9965

Ssabasajja Kabaka’s Representative

Christine Yawe                                                   609-903-8727

Leonard Muwonge Mukasa                               908-797-9719

Joseph Senyonjo                                               646-821-6849





A Biography Of His Majesty Ssaabasajja Kabaka Of Buganda Ronald Muwenda Kimera Mutebi II

His Majesty the Ssaabasajja Kabaka of Buganda, Ronald Muwenda Kimera Mutebi II was born on 13th April 1955 at Mulago hospital to the Late Ssekabaka Edward Fredrick Muteesa II and the late Sarah Kisosonkole.  At the time of his birth, his father Edward Muteesa II was in exile in Britain at the beginning of the political unrest in Uganda.

During His Majesty’s formative period, he attended Buddo Junior School.  As a young Prince, he was introduced to cultural exposition of the Baganda by staying in homes of prominent Chiefs for some time and also had private tuition at his father’s palace.  He later left the country for the United Kingdom for further studies and upon completion he worked as a Journalist with the South Magazine which was published by Chief Abiola of Nigeria.

He returned to the country in 1986 after 20 years to take up his cultural responsibilities as a traditional leader of his Kingdom.  He spearheads all development activities in the Kingdom including education, economic empowerment, social, health and cultural sectors.

On 31st July 1993, His Majesty was enthroned as the 36th King of Buganda.




  1. Kato Kintu, early fourteenth century
  2. Chwa I, mid fourteenth century
  3. Kimera, c.1374-c.1404
  4. Ttembo, c.1404-c.1434
  5. Kiggala, c.1434-c.1464 and c.1484-c.1494
  6. Kiyimba, c.1464-c.1484
  7. Kayima, c.1494-c.1524
  8. Nakibinge, c.1524-c.1554 (Followed by a period of Interregnum, c.1554-c.1555)
  9. Mulondo, c.1555-1564
  10. Jemba, c.1564-c.1584
  11. Suuna I, c.1584-c.1614
  12. Sekamaanya, c.1614-c.1634
  13. Kimbugwe, c.1634-c.1644
  14. Kateregga, c.1644-c.1674
  15. Mutebi I, c.1674-c.1680
  16. Juuko, c.1680-c.1690
  17. Kayemba, c.1690-c.1704
  18. Tebandeke, c.1704-c.1724
  19. Ndawula, c.1724-c.1734
  20. Kagulu, c.1734-c.1736
  21. Kikulwe, c.1736-c.1738
  22. Mawanda. c.1738-c.1740
  23. Mwanga I, c.1740-c.1741
  24. Namuggala, c.1741-c.1750
  25. Kyabaggu, c.1750-c.1780
  26. Jjunju, c.1780-c.1797
  27. Semakookiro, c.1797-c.1814
  28. Kamaanya, 1814 – 1832
  29. Suuna II, 1832 – 1856
  30. Muteesa I, 1856 – 1884
  31. Mwanga II, 1884 – 1888 and 1889 – 1897
  32. Kiweewa, 1888 – 1888
  33. Kalema, 1888 – 1889
  34. Daudi Chwa II, 1897 – 1939
  35. Muteesa II, 1939 – 1969 (Followed by a period of Interregnum 1969 – 1993)
  36. Muwenda Mutebi II, 1993 – present.
  37. …………………………………………………………….

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto

Advise to Baganda from Kalundi Serumaga


Dear  Africans:

I am writing to thank you for all you are doing, and request you to avoid getting distracted

Always remember that you are arguing on a voluntary basis, to develop knowledge, against persons who are paid to maintain a flow of lies.

If you wish to conquer a people, you must first destroy their historical knowledge of themselves. This is the mission the British (and others) began with colonialism, but were compelled to leave before they were finished with the job.

The reason the Brits now love NRM so much is because they have been willing to take up and try and continue the task.

Peddling hate history is a key tactic in this strategy.

But for such Africans, the first thing they must destroy is their ability to love themselves as Africans. They become slavish “house negroes” , working as intellectual guard dogs for Europe’s continuing ambitions in Africa .

Yes, they hate you (in this case Baganda). But that hatred is small in comparision to the self-hatred and secret contempt they often feel for themselves. This is manifested in how they periodically “kwesiluwaza”  by resorting to schoolyard jeering and trying to make other “funny” noises in print. It is a recognition inability to maintain a sensible debate until they have been told what to say next. A dog cannot exceed the arguments of its master.

It is one of Africa ‘s modern tragedies.

Now, the challenge for you is to always stay on the point. Stick to the factual argument of substance, no matter how they try to provoke you into other ones.

The facts have been laid out in my last post.

But as I said, the real issue is: what can we learn from such history? Again, I have given my views on what lessons there are.

A increasingly relevant example here is this point I made:

” We see this again with those who used to be in NRM fleeing into exile from very system they have been part of, but also refusing to denounce it, and instead waiting to see how things may return to their favour. Their problem is not the illegitimate way in which the country is being governed, but rather the fact that it has “left them out” of the process.”

As some of you may know, Otto is actually the (partly UK-trained) UPDF officer Sabiiti Mutengesa who had to flee Uganda a few years back after seriously falling out with the then UPDF big man Gen James Kazini. The cause was the ghost soldiers/salaries issue. I don’t know the exact nature of their disagreement over this money.

Ask yourself why he has never returned, even after the death of his nemesis, to either explain his desertion, or resume his duties?

Ask yourself why he retains an unhealthy obsession with any negative thing he can find to say about  Buganda , but cannot write one word about what he personally knows about the faults of the UPDF/NRM administrative culture that made him leave the country he professes to love so much?

As a UPDF officer, he presumably would have greater chances of contributing to positive change in the force, than he ever will in Buganda , since he has no standing here. Yet he is silent where he could be effective, and very vocal where he can be of no help at all. What a waste.

Often, our obsessions with other peoples’ business is actually a mask for our deeper anxieties about our own problems. This is why it is good for us to keep our history alive. The more you know about your own ancestors, the less likely you are to become obsessed with other peoples’, as seems to happening with our friend.

The only “good thing” about this case is how Otto has managed to turn all this dysfunction into a paying career.

Once again, I urge you to stand firm, and keep on defending Africa and her cultures.

Sorry for the long post, but as you can see, the problem runs deep.


Kalundi Serumaga

Buganda Mourns Kasubi Tombs on Friday,26th March 2009


Gano ge mampimpi ku bibadde e Nnabulagala.

Okusaba mu Masiro nga 26/03/2010
Mu bufunze omuwandiisi by’alabye:
7:30 a.m.              Okutandika olugendo ng’omuwandiisi agoberera ekkubo omuyisibwa Bassekabaka nga batwalibwa okugalamizibwa e Nnabulagala. Olukubakuba lutandika okufuuyirira.
8:00 a.m.              Omuwandiisi atuuka ku Masiro, asimba mu nnyiriri.
8:15 a.m.              Nalinnya Sarah Kagere ne bba batuuka mu Masiro
8:35 a.m.              Omuwandiisi ayingira mu Masiro. Olukubakuba lukya.
9:38 a.m.              Omutaka Nakirembeka atuuka mu Masiro
9:50 a.m.              Katikkiro J.B. Walusimbi atuuka mu Masiro. Bakatikkiro abaawummula Joseph Mulwanyammuli Ssemwogerere, Mayanja Nkangi ne Dan Muliika nabo balangirirwa nga bwe batuuse mu Masiro.
9:51 a.m.              Supreme Mufti Zubair Kayongo atuuka mu Masiro.
10:10 a.m.           Ssabasumba Cypriano Kizito Lwanga atuuka mu Masiro nga awerekerwako Omusumba Mathias Ssekamanya ow’e Lugazi n’Omusumba Dr. Anthony Zziwa ow’e Kiyinda Mityana.
10:25 a.m.           Omusumba wa Seventh Day Adventist atuuka mu Masiro.
10:30 a.m.           Ssaabasajja Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II atuuka mu Masiro. Akubirwa emizira egy’amaanyi. Emikolo egikolebwa nga Ssaabasajja atuuse mu Masiro gikolebwa. Agenda okulamusa ku Bannamasole, Abalangira n’Abambejja, Bannaddiini n’Omulangira w’e Nkole, Prince John Barigye.
10:34 a.m.           Oluyimba lwa Buganda Ekitiibwa kya Buganda luyimbibwa. (Olwa Uganda abantu baalugaanyi okuluyimba. Kalabaalaba w’omukolo alangirira nga omukulembeze wa DP, Norbert Mao, n’owa UPC, Olara Otunnu, bwe batalutumidde mwana. Abantu bakubira Norbert Mao emizira kyokka bawogganira waggulu nti Otunnu ne UPC tebabyetaaga.

10:43 a.m.           Kalabaalaba w’omukolo ategeeza Ssabasajja nti musajja we omuyimbi Ronald Mayinja waali nnyo era agenda okumuyimbira oluyimba Landlord. Abantu bakuba emizira era Ronald Mayinja atandika okulya mu ndago. Abantu bonna ekinyegenyege kibakwata era bayimbira wamu ne Mayinja.
10:55 a.m.           Okusaba kutandika nga Chaplain wa Makerere University, Rev. Fr. Lawrence Ssemusu asaba essaala ey’okwegayirira Mukama mu Luganda ne mu Lungereza.
11:00 a.m.           Ssabasumba Cypriano Kizito Lwanga ayigiriza
11:05 a.m.           Sheikh Ssebulime asoma essaala ku lw’Abayisiraamu.
11:10 a.m.           Supreme Mufti Zubair Kayongo ayigiriza. Anokolayo obugambo obugamba nti Katonda yatonda amagye ag’enjawulo. Waliwo ag’omu Ggulu, Ye Kayongo gaatajja kwogerako, ne ag’omunsi. Mu g’omu nsi waliwo aganyoomebwa kyokka nga gadoobya abantu, okugeza nga ensiri. Ensi yonna n’okutuusa ku ssaawa ya leero ekyalwana n’omusujja gw’ensiri. Wano kwe kubuuza nti: omuntu ayinza atya okulowooza nti nno anaasobola okulwanyisa omwoyo ogwagala ekintu ng’Obwakabaka? Obwakabaka bwa Buganda Katonda yabuteekawo ng’ekisiikirize Abaganda mwe bawummulira okusobola okufuna emirembe. Abantu bonna bakuba emizira egy’amaanyi.
11:15 a.m.           Omulabirizi w’e Mityana eyawummula, Dr. Dunstan Bukenya asoma Zabbuli ya Dawudi eya 121.
11:20 a.m.           Omulabirizi w’e Namirembe Wilberforce Kityo Luwalira abuulira. Anokolayo obugambo obugamba nti Mukama eyatonda Buganda n’atuteekamu Abaganda omwoyo ogwo ogwa Buganda ogutafa, y’omu Buganda gw’esaanye okwesiga kubanga Ye Mukama y’omu agenda okugiyimirizaawo okutuusa enkomerero y’ensi lw’erituuka. Abuulira abantu nti nno Mukama amanyi bulungi oyo eyayokerera Amasiro gaffe, kyokka amazima galitufuula ab’eddembe era kyalibadde kirungi mu kiseera kino eky’ekisiibo omuntu oyo eyayokya amasiro okwenenya.
11:27 a.m.           Omusumba w’Abasodokisi Rev. Fr. Stanislaus Kasule asoma ekitundu okuva mu Yokana 1 n’okutandikira ku lunyiriri olw’olubereberye.
11:30 a.m.           Ssabasumba w’Abasodokisi Metropolitan Yonah Lwanga ayigiriza, kyokka abatabuzitabuzi bakutula waya z’emizindaalo ezimu nga beeyamba obusindikagano obw’ekyana ekito era ebigambo bye ebimu tebiwulirwa. Okusaba kuyimiriramu okumala akabanga.
11:34 a.m.           Emizindaalo egimu gizzibwako era Metropolitan Yonah Lwanga amaliriza okuyigiriza kwe.
11:42 a.m.           Ssabasumba Cypriano Lwanga ayitibwa okukomekkereza okusaba era awerekerwako abasumba Mathias Ssekamanya ow’e Lugazi, Paulo Ssemwogerere ow’e Luwero Kasana ne Dr. Anthony Zziwa ow’e Kiyinda Mityana. Mu bugambo bwe obuwuumbawuumba okusaba anokolayo Nabbi Nekkemeya (Nehemiah) eyaliwo emya 585 nga Kristo tannaba kuzaalibwa. Nabbi ono yatunuulira ekibuga Yerusaalemi (Yerushalayim) ekyali kyokeddwa abalabe ba Yisirayiri kyokka n’akumaakuma mu Bayudaaya obutaterebuka. Yeeyamba empagi ttaano ez’okuzzaawo Yerusalemi;
–          Okwegayirira Mukama
–          Obutaterebuka wabula okunywerera ku Katonda waabwe
–          Okusabanga bulijjo
–          Okuddamu okuzimba ekibuga
–          Oku

11:45 a.m.           Ssabasumba Cypriano Lwanga Agaba Omukisa mu linnya lya Patri, ne Mwana ne Mwoyo Omutukirivu.
Kalabaalaba w’omukolo alangirira nga Ssabasajja bw’agenda okwogera eri Obuganda. Abantu bakuba emizira era Kalabaalaba asaba Obuganda bwefuge Bbeene asobole okwogera.  Oluvannyuma lw’akabanga abantu basabibwa okuwa Bannaddiini ekkubo basobole okufuluma Embuga. Kitegeerekeka nti nno Ssabasajja asiimye obutayogera eri Obuganda oluvannyuma lwa Kimese okukitegeerako nti nno abalabe ba Buganda baasindise Abacuba okutabulatabula omukolo era nga be basongeddwamu olunwe ku gw’okudobonkanya emizindaalo n’entimbe (screens) ezaabadde zitegekeddwa ebweru ku Muzigiti okuyamba nnasiisi w’omuntu ataasobodde kuyingira mu Masiro ng’ebifo biweddemu. (Kiteeberezebwa nti abantu abeeyiye e Nnabulagala bakunukkirizza wakati w’obusiriivu omunaana n’akakadde akalamba!)
11:48 a.m.           Kirangirirwa mu butongole abantu bonna okwesumulula amafuvu era n’obutafuluma Masiro n’amafuvu. Okukungubaga kw’Abaganda mu Buganda ne mu nsi yonna kulangiriwa nti kukomye.
11:50 a.m.           Omukolo ogw’okusaba guggalibwawo mu butongole. Abantu abayagala bagenda okubuuza n’okukubagiza ku bazaana ba Bassekabaka abagalamidde e Nnabulagala.
Effujjo mu Masiro
Kyategeerekeseeko nti waliwo abantu abatayagaliza Buganda mirembe n’essanyu abaapangisizza abacuba okusobola okutabulatabula omukolo. Mu bikolwa eby’okutabulatabula omukolo mwe mubadde:
–          Okuleetawo akakyankalano akateetagisa nga abavubuka bano baleekanira abantu ababadde bayimiridde mu maaso ku bukomera obw’ebyuma batuule wansi mbu nabo abali emabega basobole okulaba. Wano tusaanye tukitegeere nti nno tewabadde wakutuula okujjako okutuula mu ttaka so ate ng’olukubakuba lubadde lufuuyiridde! Abavubuka bano bavudde emabega nga bwe bawaguza okutuuka ku kakomera akaabadde katekeddwawo okutuusa abantu ababadde mu maaso bwe beekyaye ne babasegulira, olwo akakyankalano ne kakoma.
–          Okulinnya ku nju ezisangibwa mu Masiro! Obwedda abavubuka bano bagera ekiseera ne baleekanira waggulu. Balinnye n’emiti egisangibwa munda mu Masiro ng’eno bwe banyeenya amatabi kumpi kugawogola!
–          Okukasuka obutebe obw’amasanda (plastic) nga babuggya mu weema eyabadde etuziddwamu bannaddiini nga babukasuka emabega kimugunyu.
–          Okukasuka amafuvu ge babadde baziinze ng’emipiira mu bantu ababadde batudde mu maaso. Omuwandiisi olw’obusungu aboggoledde abamubadde okumpi nga bw’abajjukiza nti Amasiro nalwo Lubiri era basaanye okugawa ekitiibwa. Abavubuka bakkakkanye era ekikolwa kino eky’ekivve ne kikoma mu kifo awo omuwandiisi w’abadde atudde.
–          Okuleetawo okusindikagana okugenderere ng’abantu bafuluma Amasiro. Waliwo abantu abazirise n’abalala ne balinnyibwa kumpi kufa. Obwana obumu bubuliddwako bakadde baabwo mu kusindikagana kuno okukoleddwa akagenderere.
–          Okusala ensawo. Waliwo akwatiddwa

–          Okusaalimbira mu nsuku z’Amasiro.
Abakozi b’effujjo bano abamu babadde mu bu T-shirt obuddugavu obwakubiddwako ekifaananyi kya Bbeene ng’atudde ku Nnamulondo. Mmengo ebadde terina ky’emanyi ku kikoosi ky’abantu abo bu T-shirt buno era eyo y’engeri gye kitegeerekese nti abantu bano babadde baweendule.
Ng’ebyo biteereddwa ku mabbali, omukolo gubadde gulaga ensi nti Obuganda bukyawagira Obwakabaka era buli mabega wa Ssaabasajja.

Awangaale Ssabasajja



show details 9:42 AM (56 minutes ago)

Kabaka Mutebi,Nabagereka and their Daughter

1969 –   H.M. Kabaka Ronald Edward Frederick Muwenda Mutebi II Kimera, Kabaka of Buganda. b. at the Mulago Hospital, Kampala, 12th April 1955, eldest son of Major-General H.H. Edward Frederick William David Walugembe Mutebi Luwangula Mutesa II, Kabaka of Buganda, KBE, by Abakyala Sarah Nalule, Omuzaana Kabejjaeduc. Budo Junior Sch, Millbrook Sch, Oxford, King’s Mead Sch, Seaford, Sussex, Bradfield Coll, Reading, Berks, the North London Polytechnic, and Trinity Coll, Cambridge. Appointed as Heir Apparent by his father, 6th August 1966. Assoc. Editor of “African Concord”, Mbr. Executive Cttee. ANC. Succeeded on the death of his father as Head of the Royal House of Buganda, 21st November 1969. Returned to Uganda 1986. Proclaimed at Budo on the restoration of the Ugandan kingdoms, 24th July 1993. Crowned at Budo, 31st July 1993. Has assumed the additional name of Kimera, together with the style of His Majesty. Patron and Chief Trustee Buganda Cultural and Development Fndn (BUCADEF) since 1996. Patron of the Kabaka Fndn, Buganda Development Agency (BDA), Monkton Fndn, etc. Chair Rexba Ltd. Sovereign of the Order of the Shield and Spears. m. (first) at St Paul’s Cathedral, Namirembe, 27th August 1999, H.M. Abakyala Sylvia Nagginda (styled Nnabagareka) (b. at London, September 1964), educ. Lake Victoria Primary Sch, Gayaza Junior Sch, Wanyange Girl’s Sch, City Univ of New York, New York Univ (BA), and New York Inst of Technology (NYIT) (MA), New York, USA, sometime Researcher at UN HQ in New York, Research Consultant at the World Bank in Washington DC and as an independent business development and PR consultant, Founder and Chair Nnabagareka Development Fndn (NDF) since 2000, Patron and Dir of the Kampala Ballet & Modern Dance Sch (KB&MDS) since 2004, Christian Children’s Fund (CCF) Uganda, Special Olympics Uganda, and Conservation Through Public Health (CTPH), Goodwill Ambassador for the UN Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA), etc, daughter of John Mulumba Luswata, of Nkumba-Entebbe, of the Musu clan, by his wife, Rebecca Nakintu, daughter of George William Musoke, of Nazzigo, Kyaggwe. m. (a) H.E. Mrs Vénétia Sebudandi, a Rwandan lady of the Abega clan, Permanent Delegate to UNESCO 2004-2006, Ambassador Extr & Permanent Representative of Rwanda at the UN Geneva since 2006. m. (b) Ms Edith Byanyima, eldest daughter of Mzee Boniface Byanyima, sometime National Chair of the Democratic Party (DP), by his wife, Gertrude Kabwasingo, from Kakikoti, Kiruhura, a relative of the Royal Family of Ankole. m. (c) at Budo, 26thAugust 1999, Abakyala Sarah Nsobya (b. 1986). He has issue, one son and three daughters:
  • 1) Prince (Kiweewa) Crispin Junju Suuna. b. at London, 1986 (s/o Vénétia Sebudandi), educ. King’s Coll Budo Junior Sch, Kabinja, King’s Coll, Budo, Monkton Combe Sch, near Bath, Somserset, and RMA Sandhurst. Intern Central Broadcasting Service (CBS) 2005, cmsnd as 2nd-Lieut Uganda Army. ADC to Kabaka Mutebi II since 2009.
  • 1) Princess (Omumbejja) Joan Tebatagwabwe Nassolo, educ. Taunton Sch, Somerset.
  • 2) Princess (Omumbejja) Victoria Nkinzi, educ. Walsh Middle Sch, Framingham, Massachucettes, USA.
  • 3) Princess (Omumbejja) Katrina Sarah Ssangalyambogo. b. at London, 4th August 2004 (d/o Sylvia Nagginda), educ. St. Austin’s Acad, Lavington, Nairobi, Kenya.



Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto

An eye witness describes what he saw at Kasubi before the fire


1. Salutations to the Kabaka for showing his HUMAN side and for joining his subjects in grieving this desecration, once again, of his fore-father’s Kingdom. Not only is Buganda with you but Uganda too and the World [through UNESCO that has recognised this structure like it did Babylon, the Pyramids of ancient Egypt, etc].

2. Distribution of Mausoleums in ancient Buganda: It is noteworthy that, in all the planning, the post-modern Buganda is not cleverer than the ancestors – otherwise, yester night’s damage would have been worse still with the remains of ALL the former Buganda Kings perishing together. ONLY 4 HAVE been affected now but it could have been worse. How??

3. Before 1882 when this mausoleum was built by Mutesa the 1st, as his final resting place [not unlike his pyramid {a “masilo” structure in Ganda architecture is an inverted conical ‘pyramid’}, BUGANDA KINGS CHOSE THEIR FUTUTURE MAUSOLEA in advance, in different locations (most find themselves in Busiro province]. That is why Kintu’s mausoleum today is his and his alone. That of Kimera is his and his alone. That of Chwa the 1st is his and his alone. In other words, all the former Kings of Buganda have a mausoleum each to himself except the last four [Mutesa I, Mwanga,  Chwa II and Mutesa II, who, together, rest at Kasubi].

4. The adoption of the practice of the kings sharing a mausoleum seems to have been taken up when foreigners and western civilisation set foot on Buganda soil. Otherwise, we would now only be crying for the desecration of 1 grave, not of 4, if this practice of former kings sharing resting places had not been adopted 128 years ago.

5. Way forward: No evil action can diminish the resolve of the people of Buganda to preserve their heritage, even with such a devastating blow as the great evil fire of the night of 16th March, 2010. Of course artifacts like the gifts Queen Victoria to the Kabaka of Buganda, Mutesa-I’s pet leopard (till yesterday, stuffed but standing}, the first mirrors and European-style carpentry chairs in the country, the personal spears and other weapons of each of the 4 Kabaka’s, etc, etc are gone. The spirit of the Baganda remains though and cannot be diminished through intimidation or otherwise. 2 lives lost but how many have been lost before? The Kings’ bodies must have survived, of course and will be re-interned after the restoration that is already underway [the gathering of materials like poles and special reeds started being gathered already today 17th March].

6. Once gain, salutations to H.H. the Kabaka of Buganda for showing the magnanimity and human side that many would shy away from exhibiting. You are great modern King. March on Buganda. You recovered from at least one such affront before. You will certainly recover from this too, with all well-meaning Ugandans by your side.

Meanwhile, an eyewitness colleague described a scene in front of his house to me, [at 9th AM [E.A.T] in Kampala], as witnessed from the veranda of his house at around 9:00 PM, the evening of the 16th of March:

‘I was sitting at the veranda of my house with my brother, about 300 metres from the junction in front of the Kasubi Mausoleum. Suddenly, a grey Prado, with no number-plate comes screeching to a halt, chased by a ‘bunch’ of boda-boda [motor-cycle-taxi] riders who are shouting, “wuuyo ayokez’ amasiro” {there is the man who has burnt the mausoleum”}.The vehicle stops and a man with a “bastola” [Luganda for ‘pistol’] comes out, pointing it at the nearest rider. The foremost rider backs into the metal gate of our courtyard, which open ajar, violently. The others fall in a heap over him. The pistol man re-enters the Prado as a taxi from the “Masiro” side too, gives chase towards Namungoona suburb..”

Different witnesses have recounted the same incident and the tabloids have picked it up.

Conclusion: No-one can convince anybody that a 130 year old structure, with no electric power wiring, with no people sleeping inside, with not kitchen within the 30-50 metres distance around, inside a fence, could catch fire by accident. The case for arson is simply too strong to be dismissed just like that.

The mother of all questions remains: Why? Why? Why? Why attack such an inanimate structure that, like a sleeping baby, cannot defend itself? Why? Why? and Why?

Christopher Muwanga,

Nakasero, Kampala.


Origins of Democracy vs Modern African politics


Origins of Democracy vs Modern African politics

What exactly are the causes of developed Nations social ills i.e. hopelessness, urban poverty, crime, unemployment etc,.

Is it change, emergence, non-identity?

So is it fundamental change or fundamental difference?

Had Africans ever had anything near democracy? Will democracy ever work in Africa? If you have two or five parties contesting for power and glory where does the interest of society reside or lie? And indeed does the existence of parties imply change and emergency of other forms of society organisation, which in the above instance would imply transform?

The Clan System, Chiefdoms and Kingdoms

The Baganda Clan system was neatly woven with; social governance, transformation, continuity, power dissipation, change fundamentally, emergence, and identity. For example, no group or party had obsolete right to;

  1. Rule over another
  2. Over power and glory
  3. No group competed or out competed another
  4. Society could hardly be alienated
  5. Society never lost potentiality for change, as skewed in modern judicial systems and constitutionalism
  6. There was total freedom unlike freedom of the market and consumerism

The above was possible since the laws of society were as follows:

First law:

A leader born i.e. king followed in a clan lineage of his mother unlike many laws in Europe were children born in royal family lineage are partrilineal.

Second Law:

Inbreeding was outlawed – such that, when the King married and in that event had a child or would be heir, the leader in making came from a totally different clan, unlike that of his father.

In the above instance, it meant therefore, the word ‘hereditary’ as it is related to monarchism and articulated in western political science and philosophy is literally wrong and out of step with the Kiganda or Baganda political philosophy.  There is absolutely not hereditary for a born leader therefore a King or would be kings come from different clans of their mothers (first law).

The above implies that power was spread across clans through matrilineal lineage and intermarriages.

Power and the Glory

The above implies several things

  1. Anyone by the natural law of intermarriages could become a king or society leader in Buganda
  2. Power was not absolute (i.e. maintaining the status quo) therefore was possible
  3. There were no classes as claimed in European writings – Bakopi!!
  4. Radical competition for power was ethically muted until another clan produced one leader and time came for the leader to lead.
  5. Society organically was able to change, emerge, and have a new identity.
  6. By virtual of all the above all human beings were equal before earth and heaven
  7. Hence real potential out of cause/change was possible

F implies a Yoruba or Hosa could as well have governed Buganda Kingdom if the king married any of the above!

Now you hear political scientist jumping around with Germanic and Indochina philosophies and ideologies they do not fully grasp.

Buganda should secede.


US Ambassador visit to Kabaka is not unusual but it may cause problems


kabaka greets the ambassodor at banda

In 1972 the then US Ambassador, his wife, along with Joseph Mubiru ex Bank of Uganda Governor, and Fr Kigundu Editor of Munno newspaper paid a visit to Cardinal Nsubuga. President Iddi Amin was not amused.The visits became regular and Amin dispatched his Chief of Protocol to Cardinal Nsubuga and Mubiru to warn them about hosting the Ambassador and his family frequently in Rubaga.The visits were purely  simple social ones as it turned out. Joseph Mubiru wanted Cardinal Nsubuga to meet his friend the new, US Ambassador (a catholic) to Uganda.  Both were students in New York University.
The visits was too much for Amin, as Mariam Press the publisher of the catholic newspaper Munno of which Fr Kigundu was the Editor continued to be the only widely respected and quoted newspaper at the time with news about Uganda.  What happened to Mubiru and Fr Kigundu is now history.

kabaka escorting the ambassodor

However heads of states and other foreign dignitaries have been paying visits to the seat of Buganda Kingdom for years.  Ali Khan and later his son the Aga Khan paid annual visits to Muteesa.  (His son cannot visit Mutebi today because of his extensive investments in Uganda).  Emperor Haile Selasie of Ethiopia visited the Kabaka of Buganda and many such visits took place.  The Banda visit is a continuation.
Paul Lam
UAH forumist


1/6 Many keep wondering about what it is about the relationship between Bugerere/Buruli and Bunyoro; yet others rather amazingly, even amusingly keep taking for granted their being integral to Buganda.
2/6 The maps below show the reality of those territories in the evening of the 20th century.  Bunyala is what is currently (or for the time being) called Bugerere.  As we know, Buyaga and Bugangaizi are the only counties that have so far been restored to Bunyoro.
3/6 Note that the process that resulted in the allocation of 4227 Square Miles of land (the so -called Akenda) to the government of the country was the very same process that allotted Buganda all those territories in a process of sharing the Bunyoro spoils.  What Buganda has to understand from that historical fact is the reality that, undoing the government’s claim to the 4227 Sq miles of what was in 1900 called “Crown Land” cannot happen without Buganda’s loss of the territory that belongs to Bunyoro, unless Mmengo wants to have it and also eat it.  Those two processes were on the back of each other.
4/6 If you want the “Akenda” (4227 sq miles) back, then surrender everything else that was part of “mpa nkuwe” (scratch my back and I scratch yours) that was the essence of the 1900 agreement, i.e., cannibalisation of Bunyoro.
5/6 Because Mmengo fails to understand that reality, it will never comprehend why Entebbe matches the noises about “Akenda” with blocking the Kabaka from going to Bunyoro territories currently held by Buganda.  Problem: Mmengo wants to “Kusala ekikuubo”, as they say north of Lake Nalubaale.
6/6 To be noted also is that, the real content of the process that had given Buyaga and Bugangaizi to Buganda was the allocation of land in those two counties to Mmengo government and its subjects.  It is intriguing that Mmengo government could be evicted from those counties but its subjects were left there in charge of land that should have been automatically reverted to its Banyoro owners.  In other words, the 1964 referendum was “byoya byanswa.”  There is a stick therein that will in all certainty be used to flog an intransigent Mmengo one of these days.  The losers will be the Buganda Land lord class that somehow were left to hold on to Bunyoro land: their government departed Buyaga and Bugangaizi and they too should have followed it in 1964; and it is not too late.

Funny Pictures
Source: “Report of the Uganda Relationships Commission, 1961 (Munster Commission Report), map between pp 88 and 89.
The shaded part is the territory of Bunyoro constituting the 7 “Lost Counties” of which Bunyala (Bugerere) and Buruli are part.  After the 1964 referendum, only Buyanga and Bugangaizi were restored to Bunyoro.
Funny Pictures
Source: “Pilkington of Uganda”, p.116


Funny Pictures

Source: Richard Reid (2002), “Political Power in Precolonial Buganda” (London: James Currey), p. xi

Blocking the Kabaka from visiting Kayunga was Illegal according to constitution


submitted by william kituuka


Protection of freedom of conscience, expression, movement, religion, assembly and association.

(1) Every person shall have the right to—
(a) freedom of speech and expression which shall include freedom of the press and other media;
(b) freedom of thought, conscience and belief which shall include academic freedom in institutions of learning;
(c) freedom to practise any religion and manifest such practice which shall include the right to belong to and participate in the practices of any religious body or organisation in a manner consistent with this Constitution;
(d) freedom to assemble and to demonstrate together with others peacefully and unarmed and to petition; and
(e) freedom of association which shall include the freedom to form and join associations or unions, including trade unions and political and other civic organisations.

(2) Every Ugandan shall have the right—
(a) to move freely throughout Uganda and to reside and settle in any part of Uganda;
(b) to enter, leave and return to, Uganda; and
(c) to a passport or other travel document.

OK! How do we reconcile these provisions, specifically, Article 29 (2)(a) with the recent blocking of Kabaka Ronald Mutebi’s visit to Kayunga?

And will Kayihuraa’s Police Force ever allow us to exercise the freedom in Article 29(1)(d) without invoking the infamous Police Act or some obscure municipal provision?

William Bogere

UAH forumist




Friday, 05th February

“Kayunga is part of Buganda”- President Museveni

President Yoweri Museveni has clarified that Kayunga is part and parcel of the Central Region of Buganda.

Mr. Museveni made the clarification at a public rally that was held yesterday at Kayunga hospital grounds in Ntenjeru County on the first day of his 2-day popularization and sensitization tour of the district to evaluate the performance of the Government’s Prosperity For All (PFA) programme as implemented by the National Agricultural Advisory Services (NAADS) in the campaign to rid households of poverty.

The President told the rally that the indigenous people of Kayunga districts have a constitutional right to practice their culture unhindered.

Addressing himself to local issues that affect the area in particular and the country as a whole, Mr. Museveni discouraged the practice of rural – urban migration in a quest for greener pastures when the real development treasures in the form of fertile land that would be utilized to eradicate household poverty, is left idle in the rural settings.

He criticized the current tendency of selling off property in rural areas, especially among the youth, and flock to Kampala to open up small businesses, engage in bodaboda riding, among others. He attributed this behavior to ignorance of the potential and ability of rural areas in transforming society through modernized agriculture which has for long been recognised as Uganda’s backbone to development and eradication of poverty.

The President, therefore, advised residents of Kayunga district in particular and Uganda in general, to be take steps and be part of the government’s funded Savings and Credit Co-operatives Organisations (SACCOs) in order to access low interest loans that will go a long way in facilitating them to grapple with the much needed resources to fight against household poverty.

However, residents reported to the President that the conditions set for accessing such loans are so high for them to meet. Mr. Gonza Asuman, the Manager of Kangulumira SACCO group noted that some residents front properties that are not theirs as security to access NAADS’ fund, such as plantations, which when discovered leads them to forfeit access to the loans. He informed them that access to the NAADS funds is very much hinged on one’s behavior.

At a stop-over that the President made at Kangulumira Sub-County headquarters, residents complained to him the practice of over pricing the inputs of from NAADS when loans are not interest free. They observed that the practice defeats the overall objective of household poverty eradication. Complaints from children of school going age also confessed to the President that they do not access UPE benefits as provided for by government.

While in the area, President Museveni visited Mr. Geoffrey Kizito’s farm on which he grows pineapples. He also visited high quality farmers’ association wine processing factory that is owned by the area’s farmers. The President promised to help the group with modern machinery for their products to meet the required quality.

In Busaana parish, the President visited Mr. Joseph Kizito’s pineapple and banana plantations. He also toured Mr. Ssonko’s fish farm and Mr. Vincent Ssonko’s pineapple farm in Bumaali who earns Shs. 35 million per year.

E  N  D  S.

How Obote and Museveni have shrewdly destroyed Buganda


‘Awo olwatuuka…..’  Once upon a sorry time!….
Once upon a time, there was a crow.  That crow sat on her eggs in a nest, waiting for those eggs to hatch. One chilly morning, in 1876 as the crow continued sitting on her eggs, aslick, slithery serpent stole its way into the nest.

The smooth, sleek reptile punctured the eggs one by one, sucking all the yolk and white, and wiping out their viability once for all; doing so without the crow’s notice. After accomplishing its mission, the serpent slid out of the nest as stealthily as it had slunk in; all the while, never barging the mother crow’s slumber.

Like all incubating she-birds do every now and then, one warm afternoon, the crow left her nest for a minute or two to stretch and grab a snack, leaving her ‘eggs’ unprotected. It is then, in 1966 that tragedy struck – at least according to her.  Alas, a hawk (kamunye) swooped at her nest.  In a lightning’s moment and with unimaginable ferocity, the hawk snatched all the ‘eggs’ from the nest.
A fierce tussle for the ‘eggs’ ensued between the two beasts of the air. It did not take the Kamunye long to register that it had swooped at empty shells, prompting it to jettison them into the undergrowth below, all without the notice of the combative crow. Thus the stage was set for an eternal, misdirected and futile feud between the hawk and the crow. 

Weeks later, 1986 another bird, (hatched in 1946), an ‘enigma, wrapped in a riddle, shrouded in mystery’ started gracing the airwaves.  It is a bird that is one time a menacing vulture and another time the dove of peace; then another time, the wise old owl, yet another time a cuckoo that lays her eggs in other birds’ nests; then again an agile kingfisher and also a maladroit duck; one time an alluring rooster that heralds the arrival of a new day, and another time the hornbill that silences all feather wearers with its deafening melody, through 1996, 2006, who knows, 2016. 
That Delphic new bird on the block shrewdly extricated the ‘eggs’ from the undergrowth and delicately placed them back in the now derelict nest, to the utter glee of the crow which has since then, continued to jealously and fiercely incubate the shells days on end, as new mating seasons continue to come and pass.  And she whispers to herself that tragic lullaby, ‘Awangale’, ‘Hangiriza Agutamba’, ‘Rukirabasaija’, ‘Isebantu’, Irema………..
That was my sorry.
L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick




NESTA M. RUGUMAYO MUTOORO Prince (Kiweewa) Robert Masamba Kimera
Sarah Nalule KISOSONKOLE MUGANDA Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II

Prince (Omulangira) Richard Walugembe Bamweyana

Prince (Omulangira) Patrick Nakibinge

Edith Kasozi MUGANDA Prince (Omulangira) Suuna Frederick Wampamba

Princess (Omumbejja) Alice Mpologoma Zaalwango

Damali Nnakawombe Kisosonkole MUGANDA Prince (Omulangira) Henry Kalemeera

Prince (Omulangira) Katabaazi Mukarukidi

Princess (Omumbejja) Dorothy Kabonesa Namukaabya, Nassolo

Muzaana Nalwooga MUGANDA Prince (Omulangira) George Michael Ndawula
Prince (Omulangira) Daudi Golooba
Princess Kaakako Rwanchwende MUNYANKORE Prince (Omulangira) Herbert Kateregga
Princess Winifred Keihangwe MUNYANKORE Prince (Omulangira) Daudi Kintu Wasajja
Beatrice Kabasweka. MUTORO Princess (Omumbejja) Dina Kigga Mukarukidi
Kate Ndagire MUGANDA Princess (Omumbejja) Anne Sarah Kagere Nandawula

Princess (Omumbejja) Catherine Agnes Nabaloga,

? ? Princess (Omumbejja) Diana Balizza Muggale Teyeggala
? KIKUYU Princess (Omumbejja) Stella Ndagire

Buganda’s fight is for ‘all’ Ugandans

UGANDA’S 60-YEAR CONFLICT (PART 6b): Buganda’s fight is for ‘all’ Ugandans Print E-mail
Written by Kirungi Fideri
Wednesday, 20 January 2010 21:16

Prof. Mahmood Mamdani

MAHMOOD MAMDANI is a professor of Government at Columbia University in the United States. He previously taught at Makerere University and has written a number of books on Uganda’s politics and society. KIRUNGI FIDERI asked him how he sees the current stand-off between Buganda Kingdom and the government of President Yoweri Museveni:

Were you surprised by the hard line stance taken by the Ugandan government and Buganda Kingdom that resulted in the September riots?

One needs to be clear about the background, at least as regards two issues. The first issue is what promises, if any, were made during the years of the guerrilla struggle in the Luwero Triangle. It is in everybody’s interest that the relevant documentation be made public and inform the public discourse on this question.
Second, it seems that the decision by the NRM to recognise “cultural” as opposed to political leaders in different parts of Uganda, whether “kingdoms” or not, was made more in the nature of a compromise than as a principled conclusion to a public discussion of an important issue.
So far as we know, the key discussion was limited to the upper echelons of the NRA; even there, there does not seem to have been either unanimous or even an overwhelming majority in favour of it. Recent statements in the press suggest that an opposing view argued that a “cultural” recognition will not solve the problem but will instead strengthen demands for a “political” recognition. This view seems to have been vindicated by subsequent developments. This is why no one should have been surprised by the stand-off between the Uganda Government and the Buganda Kingdom that culminated in the riots.

Do you see events of 2009, including stopping the Kabaka from visiting parts of his kingdom, the passing of the Land Bill despite Buganda’s opposition, and the closure of CBS, the kingdom’s radio station, as an emergence of a new conflict between Buganda and the central government, or the continuation of an old conflict since the colonial times?

There are elements of both the old and the new in the present situation. The old element is the demand for federo.  The new element is defined by the overall situation, which is today very different from what it was in 1966.
First, whereas Buganda was politically isolated during the 1966 crisis, it is the reverse today, with the central government facing political isolation. Rather than detracting from the unity of Uganda, Buganda is today seen to be providing an effective challenge to an unhealthy concentration of power in presidential hands. Most Ugandans understand this as a democratic challenge, and not an ethnic one. This is why, unlike in 1966, today the Kabaka would be enthusiastically welcomed in all parts of Uganda were he to visit any of these.
Second, Buganda’s own understanding of federo is evolving, as seems clear from the discussion around it. It is no-longer seen as a privileged demand arising from Buganda’s specific history and relationship to the colonial government but as a constitutional demand of relevance to the entire country. Nor is federo identified exclusively with the monarchy but with whatever form of government should be supported by the population in the local constituent unit.
The final and most interesting part of the discussion is the understanding that Buganda is not fighting for a “cultural” arrangement but a “political” arrangement, one where the monarchy in one part of the country does not have to be at the expense of democracy in the whole of it.
Some of the statements I have read from representatives of the Buganda government cite examples of Malaysia, or even England, suggesting that we may be better off dropping the language of “cultural” heads and adopting the explicitly political language of “constitutional” heads whose justification is “historical” and whose powers are constitutionally defined and limited as part of an overall democratic setup.

What do you consider to be at the heart of the conflict then?

Once we unpack the longer term issues at the heart of the conflict, we should be able to come closer to understanding possible ways to solve it. The big issue is that of unitary versus federal government.
Nationalist governments on the morrow of independence were almost unanimously in favour of republicanism and unitary government. They saw republicanism as an alternative to monarchy and championed unitary government as an alternative to ethnically-driven demands for a federal structure. Today, there is a growing sense that this was only half the story.
If unitary government captured the particular sensitivity of a people that unity was essential to defend a newly [won] independence in an era of imperial domination, over a half century of independence has made us conscious of the other half of the story: the unanticipated outcome was that unitary government has turned into an armed fist inside the country, undermining hard won democratic freedoms.
Just think of how, one after another, different political oppositions coming from different parts of the country, shared one characteristic in common: they all spoke the language of democracy when in opposition and then sacrificed democratic freedoms at the alter of national unity after coming to power, always claiming they and no one else had the right to define what that national unity stood for. Not surprisingly, national unity in time became a code word for an executive dictatorship.
A half century of independence has clarified the nature of the problem, that neither parliament nor the courts have been effective in curbing the concentration of power around the executive branch of government. If we recognise that the force of the federo argument today derives from a widespread consciousness of the need for constitutionally effective ways of checking the concentration of power in the executive – without weakening the government of the day internationally – and not from the particular conflict between Buganda and the centre, we shall be in a better position to solve it.

Have President Museveni and Kabaka Mutebi got anything to do with the conflict, or we would have witnessed similar events with a different president and a different king?

While I have underlined the fact that the conflict arises from a general tension in our post-independence political arrangements, it would be stupid to deny that the personalities of President Museveni and Kabaka Mutebi have something to do with it. There is little doubt that both are strong personalities and it will do the country little good to continue to let this issue be defined by an ongoing encounter between two strong personalities. The role of institutions and of the political process is precisely to get us out of such a predicament.

Is Buganda’s demand for federo within a Ugandan state politically viable?

The answer to this will depend entirely on how we address the relationship between federo and democracy.
At the heart of this is the question of citizenship. Uganda as a country is not an ethnic patchwork where different parts of the country are populated by different ethnic groups. This may have been a historical fact. But the contemporary fact is that, after decades of migration, including migrant labour, the population in most parts of the country is multi-ethnic.
For example, whereas there is no agreement on the exact figure, all experts are agreed that a substantial part of the population in Buganda is made up of migrants.
In such a situation, we need to define the basis of political rights clearly. If your political rights depend on your home, then the question that follows is: where is your political home, where your ancestors came from or where you live and your children are born?
Where is [Foreign Affairs Minister Sam] Kutesa’s home, in Ankole or in Buganda? Or, for that matter, where is Mamdani’s home, in India or in Buganda?

Who will be the winner and who will be the loser?

We need to recognise that the question we face is not one that narrowly concerns Buganda or, even less, just the establishment in Mengo and in Kampala. We need to appreciate that much more is at stake in this conflict. If we define the winner and loser narrowly in terms of individual personalities, then we the people are sure to lose. But if we appreciate the broader significance of the conflict, we can define the key issues and make them the focus of a broader, national discussion that goes beyond president, parliament and political parties.

If you were Museveni’s and Mutebi’s adviser, what would you tell them to do to end the conflict for good?

I would ask them to realise that how they deal with this issue is going to affect the political lives of Ugandans for a long time to come. For that very reason, it will define their long-term political legacy in the history of Uganda. My advice will be for them to initiate a national discussion without abandoning the responsibility of leadership.

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We must get an answer to the “Buganda Question”


Mr President, I have dedicated a great deal of my time and research on the ongoing bickering between your Government and the Buganda Government. I have poured oceans of ink, in these very pages, about the Buganda Question.
I have talked to whoever matters at Mengo, except the Kabaka. I have found one apparent fact which we shall never run away from — no amount of intimidation or negotiation (in its recent form) or a combination of both will bring the standoff between Central Government of Uganda and Buganda to a conclusive end.
When I say “central government of Uganda” I am not particularly referring to NRM or President Museveni. No.
As I wrote before, this is not a disagreement between President Museveni’s Government and the Baganda.
This is a historical problem. Even if a Muganda took over the presidency and his Government behaves the way President Museveni’s Government is doing, he/she will be resisted in equal measure.
The subsequent text appeared in these pages before, but I find it as relevant now or even more relevant today than it was when last published.
I call upon you, Mr President and all fellow Ugandans to read this piece again, this time round with a pinch of salt.
“Every serious problem which we encountered in Uganda had its roots in the Buganda Problem,” quotes the Lord Munster Report of 1962. Forty-seven years later, this statement sounds as pertinent.
The writing is on the wall that Buganda has once again come back to haunt Uganda. It does not require one to be a political pundit to tell that NRM will not be same again, not only in Buganda but also in the whole Uganda.
The unresolved “Buganda Problem” which the leaders at Mengo prefer to call the ‘Buganda Question’ is written all over the political future of NRM and by extension of Uganda.    
Mr. President, I don’t think I qualify to give you a lecture on what the Buganda Question is all about and how complex it is.
But I think I qualify to at least remind you about it, more so because you seem to have misconstrued the numerable contributions your Government has made to Buganda in the last 23 years as a solution to the Buganda Question.
The Buganda Question has never been the restoration of Kabaka or restitution of some of Buganda’s expropriated assets (ebyaffe) or giving jobs to a few Baganda professors. No.
In any case the Lord Munster Report of 1962, cited above, was written at a time when all these so-called achievements of NRM government for Buganda were extraneous, because Obote had not yet arrived on the scene.  
So what is the real unresolved ‘Buganda Question’? What is that question that will never cease to haunt Uganda until it gets resolved?
The Baganda want to enjoy their right to self-determination, by virtue of which they should be able to freely determine their political status and freely pursue their destiny. This is the popular ‘federo’ everyone in Buganda is singing.
This is what is threatening NRM’s tenure in Uganda’s politics. This is what is likely to accomplish what politicians have failed to achieve — getting Museveni out of power.  
The Baganda know that ‘federo’ is achievable and feasible. The British attempted to resolve the Buganda Question in the London Constitutional Conference of 1961.
Indeed the 1962 Uganda Constitution had entrenched Buganda’s status as a federal state of Uganda, and Baganda tasted the fruits of ‘federo’ until Kawenkene Obote violently abrogated the Constitution in 1966.
This action made the then iconic Obote very unpopular not only in Buganda but the whole of southern Uganda, and five years later he had to go where he had sent Sir Edward Muteesa II — in exile.
Mr President I know you know this story pretty well. What shocks me is your failure to appreciate the reality that seems palpable — you cannot rule Uganda if you are in the bad books of Buganda.    
You have tried to play your cards smartly for the last 22 years, juggling the Buganda plates using a combination of co-option and coercion.
You co-opted a good number of the Baganda elite by incorporating them into NRM with the use of jobs and State patronage.
You also co-opted the Baganda peasants by providing them with public goods such as; UPE and USE, peace and security, electricity, healthcare, water etc. No region has benefited from NRM more than the Buganda region.
Not even the Ankole. Now you are drafting the land bill to further co-opt the landless Baganda peasants.
Those you have failed to co-opt, such as the current young breed at Mengo, you have often used coercive means to silence them.
Mr President, these young dogmatic leaders at Mengo decided to adopt a radical strategy to get the ‘Buganda Question’ resolved after realising that the negotiation (Enteesaganya), which for two decades has been the main strategy, has not only failed to deliver the results but also been abused.
To the ‘new’ leaders at Mengo, no negotiations can ever be meaningful when one party thinks of, and actually positions, itself as more equal than the other. To them inviting the Kabaka and/or his officials to State House for ‘negotiations’ is simply unacceptable.   
This is the reason the new breed at Mengo decided to go radical. Does it surprise you Mr President when you see that actually it is only Katikkiro Walusimbi — a member of the old breed embedded in the new breed — who is still pushing for enteeseganya?
Walusimbi is now the unofficially most unpopular leader at Mengo. His only crime is failure to embrace the confrontational strategy as opposed to enteeseganya.
This, however, is not my point. My point is that the reason Mengo has become radical in its approach to getting the Buganda Question resolved is a multifaceted one.
Firstly, Mengo has come to realise that NRM is a failing government and it has wisely sought to jump off this sinking ship called NRM and by extension Uganda.
You may recall in 2007 Hon. Hussein Kyanjo started the debate for Buganda secession.
He made his points rather blatantly asserting that the Baganda were feeling alienated, that they were being denied ‘juicy’ jobs in government, that they were being threatened by military generals of NRM, that they were continuously getting economically deprived and culturally oppressed.
I remember also talking to former Katikkiro Dan Muliika, the only member of the old breed at Mengo who shares a radical stance with the new breed, and he said, “Museveni’s government has weakened our (Buganda’s) economy with its negative policies.
Our people are in abject poverty. And there is a systematic plan to exterminate the Baganda. This is real genocide.”     
Muliika added, “Museveni’s government has tried all means to deny Buganda its historical sovereignty and economic status. He is a very dishonest man whose love for politics of intrigue and deceit is as evident as his continued grip on power.”
So, from now on, I see a Buganda that is evocative of the Muteesa II Buganda. The reign of Sir Edward Muteesa II (1939-1969) — the thirty-fifth king of Buganda — was characterised by protracted struggles to regain Buganda’s historical position. What I don’t know is whether his son will also end where he ended.
I talked to one of Mengo’s key strategists and he said “In the last 22 years of NRM rule, Buganda has actually lost more than it did lose in the earlier 20 years.
Unlike in the 20 years prior to NRM when Buganda knew pretty well who its enemies were and was fighting them, in the last 22 years Buganda thought it had a friend in NRM and, therefore, never bothered to fight, but to talk.
“So the ‘friend’ took advantage of Buganda’s unawareness of their frosty relationship and weakened it further. The ‘friend’ employed the most educated children of Buganda and thus provided them with a five-course meal.
And as it is always culturally expected among the Baganda not to talk while eating, these educated children of Buganda, who ought to fight and liberate their kingdom, went into deathly quiet episodes of banquet.
He also added, “While Obote took away Buganda’s independence and pride in 1966 rather candidly by attacking Ssekabaka Mutesa II’s palace sending him into exile; Museveni is undermining Kabaka Mutebi’s rule by creating chiefdoms where they never existed, such as the Banyala in Bugerere and Baluri in Nakasongola.”
So, according to the new breed at Mengo the NRM era has been the worst years for Buganda. They have been years when NRM pulled the wool over the eyes of the Baganda.
It made them continue singing “ekitiibwa kya Buganda kyava da” with such relish without realising that they would do better if they replaced the last suffix with kyafa da!
This is the very reason I strongly believe that this is the moment you, Mr President, and all fellow Ugandans must come off the fence, where we have been seated the last two decades, and find a lasting solution to the Buganda Question. Confrontation is by all measures no answer to this ‘easier said than done’ question.
By Ramathan Ggoobi