Category Archives: Museveni and Buganda

BASIITA – TUTSI COVENANT

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Minute 4.00:

 

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Mr. Elly Rwakakoko interjected the chairman’s speech by giving direction to members on the real discussion by introducing a new chapter of how the H.E. could be succeeded after his term of office.

This one was just worried as to how they can keep power forever!

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On this point Mrs. Jovia Salim Saleh begged members to ensure that after H.E., the next president must come from the Basiita clan. She said that H.E. had done a lot for the Basiita clan and taken a lot of risks for the last 20 years and therefore it was important that the Basiita take charge of the resources of the country if other Bahima are to benefit.

It is very telling that Joviah Saleh a Musiita said, the next President must come from the Basiita clan.  Joviah is married to Museveni’s step brother; she knows her husband’s family very well.  This was another confirmation that Museveni is not a Musiita or Muhima but a Tutsi, that is the clarification Joviah wanted to make; to have their own Musiita as the next president.

So Joviah was referring to some of these risks Museveni had taken over the 20 years or so apparently for Basiita and not Ugandans?  In reality she was just cajoling his ego; she knows most of the risks were taken by others.  She wanted it to appear that she and the Basiita could be grateful for these risks. BUT in the cold light of day he was an alien and the only way to redress this national anomaly of an alien again ruling Uganda she wanted this matter cleared up within this “large” gathering of 77 members which on record may prevent Uganda being forever headed by aliens.

Joviah pointed out Museveni had done a lot for the Basiita and taken a lot of risks for 20 years.  What risks was she referring to? Twenty years back from 1992 when the meeting took place, takes you to the early 1970s.   What did Museveni do in the early seventy?  He was involved in a lot of political treachery but I will mention just two:

  1. Although then a student at the University of Dar-es-Salaam, he was heavily involved in the Tutsi Dynasty plan.  He was at the forefront trying to weaken the confidence of Obote in Amin.  As a former NASA employee he had Tutsi colleagues still in the Agency. In collusion with NASA’s Tutsi contacts, Museveni planned and assassinated Brigadier Pierino Yere Okoya and his wife Anna Okello Okoya at Layibi near Gulu.
  2. Again in the early seventies Museveni made an assassination attempt on Big Daddy. As Amin was driving from the passing out parade of commissioned officers in Nsambya Police barracks; Museveni personally threw the grenades towards Amins’ Jeep.  Museveni being a coward he is – he fears direct confrontations, did not time the grenades well such that he missed his target.

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On this point of order the chairman wanted to know whether Mrs. Jovia Salim Saleh was in order to single out the Basiita clan and yet the meeting was for the whole Bahima of Ankole and parts of the country. The members resolved that she was not in order.

It is interesting that it was the chairman, who said Jovia was out of order to single out Basiita.  Museveni personally interjected as if to stamp out the notion or the threat to his power which he knew he had acquired using the most under handed method. He realised Joviah was trying to pull the rug out from under him. As a Musiita, Joviah was being sincere; she knows her husband Salim Saleh is a Somali and the chairperson, Museveni a Tutsi.  She just wanted to make sure the next President is a genuine Musiita.  But Museveni felt threatened by that statement because Basiita cannot be leaders of Uganda, but condoms (like all other Ugandans) to be used by the Tutsis in fulfilment of their objectives.   To insist that the next President be a Musiita would be eliminating Museveni and he would not stand for that.  It is obvious the Basiita are just being used.

To cover his track the chairman changed his tune, turning away from Basiita, now saying the meeting is for all Bahima.  Yet when he started the meeting he welcomed Basiita clan to his home and to the meeting, telling them this is the only opportunity they have when he is still around as President, etc.  Who is using who?

Minute 5.00:

Mzee Ephraim Rusimira suggested that the next president should be the brother of the president if the master plan is to succeed. He warned that if the Beiru and other non-Bahima clans get to know about the action plan, it would fail to tale off.

Mzee Rusimira is a Tutsi, and he interjected to salvage Museveni from the Basiita who wanted to have the next President be one of their own.  He proposed the next President be the President’s brother. This proposal did not get much traction, an indication perhaps of what Basiita think of Salim Saleh. Rusimira is a typical Tutsi with a rabid dislike of Hutus, Bairu, et al.  He wanted to ensure they never get to know about the master plan.  Well, we got to know about it, so deal with it because right minded Ugandans including some Basiita will not allow it to succeed.

Minute 6.00:

 

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Mzee Rutamwebwa suggested that Salim Saleh should go back to school if the objectives of the action are to be achieved. He suggested that Salim Saleh has to get ‘O’ Certificate and ‘A’ Level ertificate. This was unanimously agreed.

Mzee Rutamwebwa another staunch Tutsi wants to make sure they do not lose power, so he suggests Salim Saleh needs to complete his education. Surely enough Salim Saleh went back to school.  But as indicated earlier education cannot be forced, you have to need it and have the smarts and the drive to excel.  It is debatable if the education Saleh received was of any benefit to him or the Ugandan tax payers.

It certainly could not qualify him to become a president of a nation.  He realised his limits early when he failed to get his A-level.

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He also suggested that some close clansman, possibly the son of his H.E. should be groomed to take over the reins from Salim Saleh. This too was agreed on and the group begged H.E. to look around for a boy who would be groomed.

Rutamwebwa did not want to give up so easily, now suggesting that if Saleh does not work out, perhaps any other Tutsi would be better as President than the Basiita or anyone other group. Its public knowledge that attempts have been made to groom Museveni’s public son – Muhoozi, but without the smarts, the drive or the desire you get zilch!  This appears to be the case.  They asked Museveni to look around for another boy to be groomed, but he keeps facing the same problem.  You see, the apples do not fall far from the tree!  As well, knowing the state of health of Salim Saleh, it was not surprising that they were preparing to continue searching elsewhere.  All the anti-retroviral drugs will not keep him or Museveni for that matter alive forever!

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The group also brainstormed about how to destroy those who would gang up to take over power from the clan. Death was suggested for the potential.

This is not surprising; they have been killing and maiming their opponents since day one.  But for every opponent they kill off, four new opponents’ spring up.  They will soon get tired of killing, they are the minority the opponents are the majority.  What will they do when their opponents decide to use coercive means as well to bring an end to this Tutsi Dynasty scheme?  Where will they run to, would they take Basiita with them?  Will they go back to Rwanda, where they came from in 1959?  What goes around comes around and doomsday will be a bad day for the Tutsi and Basiita if they fail to wake up now!

 

Observations

Now my fellow indigenous countrymen and women, it could not have been divine powers that could have made it possible that a Master plan that neither Museveni nor his FRONASA marauders knew about 19 years ago, just happened like some unexpected April Showers to fall for all of 25 years, and in that time those showers  did so exclusively on the little plots of land belonging to THIS FULL LIST OF ATTENDEES AND THEIR CHILDREN, BUT SOMEHOW those showers FAILED TO REACH THE MISERABLE ALLOTMENTS OF THE REST OF OUR POPULATION of Uganda.

Yet Museveni calls others BANDITS and now you know why.
Yet Museveni calls others TRIBALISTS and now you know why.
Yet Museveni calls others SECTARIAN, now you know why.
Yet Museveni calls others LIARS now you know why.

For today, ask yourself as a genuine indigenous Ugandan, is this why you achieved Independence in 1962? Of course not! But some ALIENS had other plans for Uganda; although their names appear in this list as though they were Ugandans, they were not and they looked for a tribe they could attach themselves to; then they used their guiles as accomplished liars to promise them a future of riches beyond their wildest dreams because, they knew that whatever good, whatever precious, whatever beautiful was going to be within their reach BECAUSE THEY KNEW EXACTLY HOW THEY WERE GOING TO KILL TO GET IT ALL. And even this was as you have seen.

In my research/investigation on this Tutsi Dynasty, I have been able to establish beyond the shadow of a doubt that this Tutsi master plan has been around for some time.  But the fact that these minutes were smuggled out is an indication that not all Tutsi’s/Basiita are in favour of the Conspiracy; some are eager to talk because they know the dire consequences of such a sinister plot.

This Grand Conspiracy was started years ago, but the political upheavals in the country had scuttled it. In my analysis I have been able to show you that they have been able to implement much of what they wanted to, but their biggest enemy is time and our being aware of their sinister plans.   What we have to realise as indigenous Ugandans is that what the Tutsi have done and continue to do in Uganda is exactly what they used to do in Rwanda against the Hutus.  The brutality of the Tutsi against the Hutus knew no limits.  For example a Tutsi had a right to kill a Hutu for any reason, no questions asked.  That is the kind of Dynasty they want to create in the Great Lakes region!

The Tutsi Covenant

One time during a year 1959 some Tutsi youths killed a Hutu sub-chief which set off a chain reaction of Hutu uprising.  Unlike previous uprisings this one was sustained all through the year 1959 and 1960 leading the Tutsi to run for their lives, thus starting the exodus out of Rwanda into all the neighbouring countries.  This explains why Tutsi wherever they are, Uganda, Rwanda, DRC, etc always like to resort to the use of brute force to suppress any dissension.  They have a rabid fear of uprisings, out of guilt, they know uprisings always results in them having to run and find new places to settle.

Tutsis’ ran scared out of Rwanda for no apparent reason, other than guilt of their brutal reign against the majority Hutu; and fear of losing in the elections.  The Tutsi realised that their world had indeed become smaller.  They started planning on how they can survive in the long term. In 1962, the Tutsi leaders drafted what they called “Covenants of the Tutsi Dynasty”.  These are the same covenants that have been used by Museveni and his Basiita sidekicks to dominate and disenfranchise Ugandans.  Reading these covenants will help you to wake up to the reality that befell our motherland.   As you read the covenants, wherever you see or read the word Hutu, I want you dear reader to substitute it with the word Ugandans because these same covenants were designed to be applied in any country they ran to.

Covenants of the Tutsi Dynasty

August 6, 1962

“Although we are a minority in the Kivu region, we have been able to successfully retain power during the 1960 elections by availing ourselves of the Bantu naivety. However, since our cleverness was later discovered by the Congolese, every Tutsi from any region must implement the following plan, and participate in its diffusion to all other Tutsis, especially those, from the Volcano district.”

Covenants:

  1. Every Tutsi must know that Hutus are related to the Congolese and that our colonisation plan must be applied to the two groups.
  2. Every Tutsi must thoroughly apply to the Congolese, and other ethnic groups surrounding them, the methods used successfully to conquer Rwanda. You must proceed methodically, gradually and refrain from any precipitation, which might awaken the spectre of the great conqueror Rwabugiri, our national hero.
  3. Every Tutsi intellectual must adopt as his first goal the control of additional districts, as everybody is aware of the importance of controlling local seats of authority in order to spread political ideas into uneducated population.
  4. Every Tutsi intellectual must make friends within the Congolese administration and get acquainted with the bureaucratic process and thus prepare him/herself for the eventual take-over in which he/she will be expected to take the place and eventually head the whole department.
  5. Since we cannot replace Hutu representatives just elected and put our own people in their place, let’s make them our friends. We must conquer them by offering them gifts, especially alcohol beverages that will allow us to win secrets out of them. Offer them our girls, and if necessary, do not hesitate to arrange marriages with them. They will not resist our daughters’ angelic beauty.
  6. When the control of all-important positions is achieved, we must remove all our Bantu enemies, especially Bahutu.
  7. With regard to conquering the Hutu, you must use the “Blood exchange pact” in which they foolishly believe.  Haven’t we desecrated it several times with impunity?
  8. Avail yourselves of the credulity of the Hutu elites and use them to promote our interests and to look credible in electoral drives. As soon as the electoral drives are over, bilk them to show their inefficiency.
  9. Every Tutsi civil servant must use terror in order to get respect and authority from the uneducated Hutu population.
  10. Using the civil service we must ridicule the uneducated BANTU and call them pretentious; many in the HUTU elites will help us destroy fellow Hutus’, because Hutu don’t care about each other’s fate.
  11. Whenever we discover that Hutus’ care of each others’ fate, we must destroy that spirit by dividing its promoters: WE MUST DIVIDE IN ORDER TO RULE.
  12. We must master completely all the members of the other ethnic groups whom we manage to control, especially HUTU fawners and make them promote our interests.
  13. Every TUTSI must know that every HUTU has been created to be a SERVANT and that no HUTU must ever become a leader. HUTU must not be aware of this principle until it is too late for them. You must control progressively all the key positions in the administration and finally have in every district a Director who protects our interests.
  14. Every Tutsi must use every means possible to lead all HUTU Civil servants to an inferiority complex.
  15. Any HUTU caring about his/her fellow Hutus’ fate must be kept off and denied any access to the population.
  16. We remind all the Tutsi youth that they must join the AJIR because, if we do not succeed by our cleverness, we must use violence. The Tutsi youth must support the Tutsi civil servants, use terror and exploit the intelligence provided by our spies and informants.
  17. During the difficult times, we must convince the HUTU to support the Jean Mirubo’s cabinet in which we have two Ministers, because the collapse of that cabinet means our own failure. Don’t you know that we own Mirubo?
  18. We must fight the WANDANDE and HUTU who oppose our Jean Mirubo by using naive HUTUS’. Avail yourselves of the HUTU’s greed. Offer them alcoholic beverages and money. Don’t care about how much you spend because we have enough money. Don’t you recall that we still have 65 million francs which we were supposed to pay to the Catholic teachers”!

It is obvious that the Tutsi/Hima Oligarchy in Uganda has been abiding by and implemented these covenants to the letter.  And I shall analyse in depth the very methods these Tutsi/Basiita thugs have applied against us as well as the incidents which confirm how badly Ugandans have been abused… almost gang raped by these Tutsis’.

Conclusion
It’s obvious that the intent and purpose of this sinister Tutsi/Basiita Dynasty master plan does not augur well for indigenous Ugandans.  The issues discussed at the 1992 meeting Museveni hosted at his home in Rwakitura were offensive and treasonable.

Today in 2010, Its election time in Uganda and Museveni is going around giving brown envelopes to some, others just receive a blanket or a bar of soap to vote Museveni…. is that all that our peoples’ life is worth … a bar of soap?  Is that what our life is worth as a citizen of Uganda?

Unless we reclaim our country as indigenous Ugandans, everything we have struggled to achieve, to build, belongs to these insidious men and women for it was decreed by the COVENANT of their FORBEARERS!

Uganda(ns), our nation is at a crossroad.  This is the tipping point in our national political culture and life.  What we do now to liberate ourselves from these Tutsis’ will not benefit us alone as a nation but the entire Great Lakes Region once and for all!

“Let those who have ears hear and those with eyes see”!

Yours, in the struggle.

Mukasa Baanabakintu

Basiita-Tutsi Clan Meeting 1992

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Ebikolobero bya batusi eri abantu ba great lakes region

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Bwetutu nula mubyaffayo bya batusi abagobwa mu Rwanda olwe biko lwa byo butemu wakati wa 1958-59 tukizula nti ebikolwa bino batambula nabyo bayagala nyo okuyingi ra mubitongole ebya bangamu okutemula abantu nokubatulugunya ebyo bukesi ku Obote eyasoka mu general service unit ne ku Idi Amin state research bureau.

Muba no Museven mweyali abatusi bano balina omuzeomulala ogwo kukola ebikolobero nebatteka omusango kubantu abalala wakati wa 1972-79. Abatusi nga bali ne Obote e Tanzania bayingiranga mu Uganda ngabakolagana nebanabwe abalinga mu state research bureau nebatta abantu abatutumuffu nga ba Benedictor Kiwanuka omusangone baguteka ku Idi Amin wakati wa 1981-86 abatusi. Nga bali ebulemezi bakwata nga abavubuka bebulemezi abali bayi ngidde mu gyelyabwe elya National Resistance Army nebabambaza ebyamba lo bye gye lya Obote erya Uganda national liberation army ekilo.

Nebagenda mu mayumba ga batuze bomu byalo bye bulemezi nebattamu abantu bona abakulu enyo nobwana obuto enyo nebalekamu abavubuka abavu buse mu kumakya nebasindika abavubuka bebulemezi abase abantu bomu maka ago ngababagamba bagende nabo bayingi re mu magye ga NRA barwanyise abajjasi ba Obote abase abantu babwe abavubuka abagananga okuyingira mu magye ga Museven bakomangawo ekilo nebaba tta eno yenkola Museven gyeyakozesa okuyingiza abantu bebulemezi mu NRA era yengeri eyaffula abantu bebulemezi ebiwuddu wuddu nga Museven nebwa babonya bonya atya tebasobola muvako engeli endala Museven gyeyattangamu abantu bebulemezi yalinga yakubakunga nya wamu nga agamba nti amagyege gajja baku ma egye lya Obote lilemeku batta bwe bwatu kanga ekilo nga bebase nga abasilikale be aba NRA abatemya ko mpola nga bavawo olwava ngawo nga basajja ba Museven ababera nga mu byalo okuleta amawulire bategeza abavubuka Obote beyali atendese mubyalo aba youth wing nti abayeka ra bali wano egye lya Obote bwelya jjanga nga litta busi buli muntu gwe lya sanga ngawo abantu bebulemezi bwe bagenda bategera obukodyo bwa Museven obwo battisa nebagana nga okusemberera abantu ba NRA kino kyanyiza nyo Museven ne basajjabe aba NRA nebatandika nga okuyiga buli muntu yena eyali asigadde ebulemezi nebamusi ba akandoya nebamukuba akakumbiku mutwe naffa nga asowosemu olu limi emilambo gyabantu bano bagiku nga nyanga wamu bana mawulire nga muno ne wililliam pike mweyali editor wa new vision babalaganga emilambo gino nebakungiriza obutemu bwa Obote negye lye elya Uganda national liberation army mu 1986 Museven nga ya kawamba kampala yatula ne ba directors be aba intelligence mugisha muntu ne jim muhezi nebawandika abavubuka aba chori nebabatendeka mu bukesi oluvanyuma nebaba zayo mu achori babalagira okutandikawo enkambi zobuyekera nebakwatanga abaana abato mu achori nebabaragira okusala ko abantu emimwa nokola ebikorwa ebya mbyone mu achori nga bagamba nti kony muchori munabwe awakanya gavument yakoze ebyo enkola ya battusi eno eyo kutta abantu bebasubira obalwa nyisa mu bungi omusango nebagusa kubantu abalala ebayambye nyo okuso bola okubera mu buyinza ebanga eddene banabwe lyebatamala. wakati wa 1984-85 Museven salim saleh fred Rwegyema mugisha muntu jim muhezi david tinyefunza paul kagame frank guma byensi biganja ne fuluma banonya abanyarwa nda bona aba tusi abali mu Uganda ne babatwala mu nsozi ze rwenzori awali enkambi ya NRA eyali eyitibwa mulima barracks biganja ne byensi bawebwa omulimu gwo kutendeka abanyarwanda bano frank guma yawebwa omulimu gwo ku lisa nokwambaza abanyarwanda bano ku sente zebali babye mu bank ze masindi,hoima,fort portal ne kabala mu 1986 nga abatusi bawambya gavument Fred Rwegyema eyali deputy army commander wa NRA atenga yeyali akulira ekibinja kyabanyarwanda kino yakwa sa ekibinja ekimu Jim Muheze ne mugisha muntu okukitwala mu East Germany kitendekebwe mu bukesi eki binja kya banya Rwanda ekyatwali bwa mu East Germany bwekyali kikoma wo kyadda ne pistol mutwalo gumu radio 4 ne bwuma ebyeyambisi bwa mu bukesi ebintu bino byona bya terekebwa mu store ze kito ngo le kyo bukesi internal security organisation e nakasero fred Rwegyema yatekawo ekito ngole kyobulimi ekya magye NRA Farm nga kino kyali kya kwe kwasa nga ayagala kugula majjambiya mbazi ne NSO ekito ngole kino yakitekako batumbya eyali ava ebululi asobole okubuzabuza era yalagira batumbya okugula embazi amajjambiya ne nso mu Uganda bati, jinja steel mill, ne sembule investment ebintu bino byona byatwali bwanga e kasese ate eyo gyebabijjanga nebabi teka mu bus za Samuel black ne john katoto eza vanga fort portal kasese nezi genda ekabale eyo yeyali enkambi endala eyali eyitibwa milama hill barracks nga eno yali ekulilwa fuluma wano abanyarwanda bona abali batendekedwa okuva mu 1984 webayitiranga okuyingira mu Rwanda okubega nokusimba amakanda. Mu October 1990 egye lya Uganda National Resistance Army rya lumba Rwanda mu butongole nga deputy army commander we gye lya Uganda fred Rwegyema yaliddu mira olutalo luno olwatwala emya ena nga sente zomuwi womusolo owa Uganda yazisasula abantu ba Rwanda tebaluwagira nga na batusi banabwe benyimi abasigala mu Rwanda tebawagidde batusi banabwe abali bavudde e Uganda mu april wa 1994 egye lya Uganda elya li liddu mirwa abanyarwanda paul kagame nga lyeyita Rwanda patriotic front lyatta habyalimana juvinali eyali president wa Rwanda ne ndadaye eyali president wa bulundi nga bombi bali ba hutu amangudda la nga egye lino lya kata ba president bombi lyajja yo amajjambiya ,embazi ,enso agakolebwa mu Uganda genayogeddeko emabega nelitandika okutema abatusi era lya jjayo ne radio enya ezava e Uganda zenayogeddeko nebazi kozesa okuyita aba hutu batte batusi banabwe okumanya abatusi bano abava e Uganda bali bategese obutemu buno batambuza radio zino mubitundu bya Rwanda byona namajjambiya ne mbazzi ngabwe bakubiriza abahutu okutta abatusi bona mu Rwanda nga mu kukola kino balina ebigendererwa bibiri

Abatusi abava e Uganda bali bakimanyinti abatusi abasigala mu Rwanda bali tebajja kukiriza batusi bava Uganda kutugumbula nakutulugunya bahutu bebalinabo emya ka emingi nga tewali akola mune bulabe nga ekyali kijja okuddirira abatusi abasigala mu Rwanda bali bajja kwegata nabuhutu barwanyise abatusi bano abali bavudde e Uganda babawangule nga okutta abatusi abalimu Rwanda kyabayamba okuza abatusi abasigala mu Rwanda kuludda lwa batusi bano abali bavudde e Uganda olwo abahuttu nebaffu libwa abalabe.

Oluvanyuma lwa batusi abava e Uganda okutandika obutemu obwaffiramu abatusi abasigala mu Rwanda abangii enyo ensi yona yakyawa aba hutu nga buli muntu yena awulira kigambo mu hutu ayagala kutta mutte. Aba mawulire okuva munsi yona bajja okunonyereza amawulire agali gajjudde entisa olwo butemu obwa manyi obwali buta labika ngako omusasi wamawulire omungereza William pike akubira poko poko abatusi bano buli lwebamala okutugumbula abantu bomu mawanga gona gebatugumbu ddemu abantu bago nga sudan,Rwanda,congo yakakasiza ddaranga bahutu bwe bali basse abatusi murwanda era kino kyawa abatusi abattemu abava e Uganda ba paul kagame olukusa lwe bali betaga okutta, okutulugunya no kussiba buli mu hutu yena gwe baba bagadde nga buli mu hutu bwagezako okwe lwana ko ba musako omusango gwo kutta aba ttusi mu 1994 bwoba nakaku nkuna soka webuze nti lwaki abatusi abava mu Uganda bamala genda mu Rwanda abahutu nebatta abatusi bebali babadde nabo ebanga eddene? ebanga lyona bali teba manyi nti bali batusi? ebulemezi lwaki ekitundu ekyali mu abatusi 1981-86 kyekyatibwa mu abantu abangi? Mu achori lwaki ekifundu ekyali mu egye lya batusi kyekya ffamu abantu abangi? ekisera kituse abantu okuzibuka amaso mutegere nti abatusi bano abakajjala mu Buganda bakutusanyo wo ffena nga tutunula abaganda nabantu bamawanga ga Uganda abalala musanye okuzibuka amaso okweddi mila abatusi bano nga tebanatusisanyawo waliwo akakodyo akalala abatusi kebategese nga bagulilidde abantu bomululyo lwo bwa kabaka bwa Buganda bakayane ne bana bwe abarangira oluvanyuma babakwase emundu batandika okutingana ekintu kino abaganda muyinza okitwala nga olusago naye mukirinde kijja wabula bwekinatuka abaganda ffena kijja kututwalilamu nalumanya ne salumanya ate era eno eyinza okuba enkomerero ya Buganda abatussi gyebatutegeke dde otusanyawo gano gemazima bwe muba mukiwaka nya musoke mwebuze lwaki Museven ye muntu yeka mubana kyemalila bona ababaddewo eya yokya amalalo gaba kkabaka babuganda?

Ebyo bye byange mwebale ku wuliliza
Kasozi mukasa

Amin’s first Cabinet of Feb 1971 had few Muslims but he later corrected this

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Muslims continue to be marginalised in Museveni’s cabinet as has been the case for the last 10 years. Most of the big cabinet positions, apart from probably finance where Saida Bumba has been for a while, the rest have been occupied by people of other faith. I don’t know the merit the president bases on to chose his ministers which most Muslims cannot fulfil. Obote 2 did not have a single Muslims in his cabinet. It is like Muslims are somehow the forgotten species in the cabinets of Uganda.The powerful positions next to presidency in govt are: VP, PM, speaker, minister of Defence or security, and minister of finance

In USA, for instance, members of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) and the Trilateral Commission dominate key positions in America’s government, military, industries, media outlets and educational foundations and institutions. CFR was founded in 1921 to make Americans more aware of their international responsibilities. It is a much large network of people with power and they are almost everywhere and help each other into juicy positions in both public and private sectors. So the question is: who helps president Museveni to nominate certain people in juicy positions where Muslims end up always on the peripheral of things. I dont think it’s the NRM caucas as the media has made us believe recently.

Amin’s original cabinet did not have enough Muslims too but he later sorted this out. Having a Muslim in a cabinet is mainly meant to have some sort of role models for the younger generation. It also encourages the young people to involve themselves in politics other than just business.

During Iddil Amin,Uganda was admited as an islamic country at a conference in Lahore, pakistan in 1974 and Amin tried a lot to help Muslims during his reign. He united different factions and he gave us a lot of land around Kampala including Old Kampala where Gadafi mosque stands.

According to the 1958 consensus, i think muslims were not more than 5%. Because we are a minority, we have always needed catholics and protestants at our side to break into elective politics.This means that a muslim president or Vice president can act as a bridge between different religions in Uganda if given a chance to lead, and does not need to turn Uganda into an Islamic state which was somehow the dream of Iddil Amin. Non-Muslims can vote for a Muslim president looking at him as a bridge to unite everybody despite whatever happened under Iddil Amin, and it is our job as Muslims to make them think that way.

Muslims in general do not discriminate people based on religions despite some religious domains that encourage us to look at non-Muslims as our ”enemies”. In Senegal, there was a catholic president called Leopold Senghol but the majority of the population that voted for him were Muslims.In Tanzania, Julius Nyerere was a catholic but muslims loved him in big numbers. Museveni1(1986-1998) was also loved and supported by majority of Muslims before he came to power though he is forgotten about us. The closure of Greenland Bank was not a good gesture at all. It was a stab in the back side.

Unlike Muslims, protestants have produced national and traditional leaders that have helped them to unite them. For instance, Most of the Kabakas have been protestants including the current one. Obote was a protestant and presided over cabinets dominated by protestants in Obote  and Obote 2. Catholics have also continued to be atleast well representated because they are the majority in Uganda.Muslims were also united when Amin was in power but it was short lived because since then we have not been having strong national characters to unite us. We have been divided under Museveni than any other time in history and he has not done much to sort it out, apart from taking sides which is not a good sign of a good leader.

That’s why, atleast, it would have benefited us if we had a strong Muslim Vice president or prime minister but Museveni has always given the strong posts in his cabinet to people of other faith. The strong posts in the govt are: VP, PM, Minister of defence, chief Justice, Speaker, Minister of security, Minister of finance( Bumba had this one but she is out now to Gender ministry).

Basically, TWAVILIDEMU AWO some NRM supporters are gonna tell you otherwise.Below is the list of those who were in Amin’s 1ST CABINET for those who wanna see their faces. Wassalamu

Abbey Kibirige Semuwemba

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UAH should have an official Representative in Lukiiko and National parliament

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Some of the newly appointed Lukiiko members take an oath at Bulange yesterday(the Monitor newspaper)

Dear Ugandans,

We thank the Kabaka of Buganda, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi 11, for having selected a strong team that is going to represent us in the Lukiiko. We hope the team below will do a good job for Buganda and make very good decisions that will contribute to the endless strength and visibility of the kingdom.

As members of Ugandans At Heart (UAH), we request the Kabaka to also put us into consideration and give us a representative in the next Lukiiko. We believe we are doing a tremendous job in outlining, fighting for and discussing the challenges the kingdom is facing in this century, such that our representation will strengthen our case to do this important job very well.

For the mean time, we thank the Kabaka for his great leadership and choosing some of the UAH members to be part of the new Lukiiko. We especially want to thank him for having chosen Mr.Kalundi Sserumaga as part of his team. This member faced a lot of challenges last year but we did a lot to expose his problems using the UAH network. We believe he will be a good servant to Buganda and the Kabaka and we wish him good luck.

We also request the national parliament to consider creating a slot of a special UAH representative in the future parliament since the forum is mostly connected with the problems of Ugandans abroad. With this slot, we shall be able to communicate to parliament directly what we think are the required changes needed to take our country forward. Other details on how to select, nominate or vote for the UAH representative will be sorted out, as soon as the government guarantees the creation of this constituency. Ugandans abroad have got  a lot of problems that we feel should be debated on a regular basis in our parliament, and there is no better way of doing this than having somebody representing them in parliament.

Below is the list of the members of the Great Buganda Lukiiko( 2011), extracted from the Buganda Kingdom website:

1.    Oweek. Eng. John Baptist Walusimbi          – Prime Minister (Katikkiro)
2.    Oweek. Haji Musa Kaddu Sserunkuuma       – Speaker
3.    Oweek. Dr. Higiro Semajege                    – Deputy Speaker
4.    Oweek. Emmanuel L Ssendaula               – 1st Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Buganda Affairs Abroad
5.    Oweek. Haji Yusuf Nsubuga Nsambu        – 2nd Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Heritage, Royal Tombs and Tourism 6.    Owek. Apollo N. Makubuya                   – Attorney General and Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs
Research
7.    Oweek. Eva Nagawa Mukasa                  – Minister of Finance.
8.    Oweek. Charles Peter Mayiga                – Minister for Lukiiko, Cabinet  Affairs, Information and Spokesman of the Buganda Government.
9.    Oweek. Dr. Fred Masagazi Masaazi             – Minister for Education & Sports
10.    Oweek. Edward Katimbo Mugwanya       – Minister for Special Buganda
Projects
11.    Oweek. Jolly Lutaaya                         – Minister for Local Government, Community Mobilisation

Co-operatives
12.    Oweek. Tony Kiyimba Kaggwa        – Minister of Lands & Public Buildings

13.    Oweek. Mohamood Thobani            – Minister for Economic Planning and Development
14.    Oweek. Nelson Kawalya                    – Minister of Health.
15.    Oweek. Edward Lutaaya Mukomazi        – Minister of Agriculture, Animal
Husbandry, Fisheries, Forestry and
the Environment
16.    Oweek. Kaddu Kiberu                       – Minister for Industries, Trade,
Works and Technology
17.    Oweek. Apolonia Mugumbya            – Minister for Gender and Community Development

18.    Oweek. Ahmed Bamweyana                 – Minister for Water, Power, Natural Resources
19.    Oweek. Florence Bagunywa Nkalubo       – Minister for Youth and Employment
20.    Oweek. Amb. William S. K. Matovu        – Minister for Royal Treasury & Chief Palace Advisor.
21.    Oweek. Israel Mayengo                     – Minister without Portfolio in the Office of the Katikkiro                                                                         22.    Oweek. Kabuuza Mukasa Namuddala    – Minister of State for Royal Visits & Royal Tours
23.    Oweek. Twaha Kaawaase            – Minister of State for Finance
24.    Oweek. David Mpanga             – Minister of State for Research
25.    Oweek. Herbert Ssemakula            – Minister of State for Sports
26.    Oweek. Florence Nakiwala Kiyingi        – Minister of State for Tourism
27.    Oweek. Rajni Tailor                – Minister of State for Economic Planning & Economic Development
28.    Oweek. Omar Mandera            – Minister of State for Management & Development of the Royal Treasury
29.    Oweek. Ahmed Lwasa            – Minister of State for Education
30.    Oweek. Haji Simbwa Bunnya            – Minister of State for Agriculture, Animal husbandry, Fisheries,     Forestry and Environment
31.    Oweek. Mariam Nkalubo Mayanja         – Minister of State for Women  Development
32.    Oweek. Samalie Mwanje            – Minister of State for Protocol
33.    Oweek. John Elly Ssentongo            – Minister of State for Environment

MASAZA CHIEFS

34.    Oweek. Ponsiono Kawotto Sengendo            – Sebwana, Busiro
35.    Oweek. Charles Balogali Kiyimba Kwewaayo    – Pokino, Buddu
36.    Oweek. Sevume Musoke                 – Bugerere, Bugerere
37.    Oweek. Yusuf Gaganga                – Kasujju, Busujju
38.    Oweek. Lawrence Sserugunda            – Luweekula, Buweekula
39.    Oweek. Katende Girigoli                – Mbuubi, Buvuma
40.    Oweek. Medard Kiwanuka                – Kitunzi, Gomba
41.    Oweek. T. Malwokweza Kivumbi            – Kaggo, Kyadondo
42.    Oweek. David Ssedyabule                – Lumaama, Kabula
43.    Owek. Ananius Ssekyanzi          – Katikkiro wa Kamuswaga,  Kooki
44.    Oweek. Ssalongo Peter Ddungu        – Muteesa, Mawogola
45.    Oweek. Stephen Kifulukwa Nawuba        – Kayima, Mawokota
46.    Alex Benjamin Kigongo            – Ssekiboobo, Kyaggwe
47.    Oweek. Prof. Peter M. Mutebi        – Kweba, Ssese
48.    Oweek. Salongo Godfrey Mbalire        – Mukwenda, Singo
49.    Oweek. Twaha Lwanyaaga            – Katambala, Butambala
50.    Oweek. Gidion Kisitu                – Kangawo, Bulemezi
51.    Oweek. Ssalongo S. Ssenyonga        – Kimbugwe, Bululi

KABAKA’S REPRESENTATIVES

52.    Oweek. Prof. Eric Paul Kibuka        – Member of the Lukiiko
53.    Oweek. Dr. Jack Luyombya            –       “
54.    Oweek. Robert Kalundi Serumaga        –        “
55.    Oweek. Dr. Golooba Mutebi            –        “
56.    Oweek. Victoria Nabayinda Serunjogi    –        “
57.    Oweek. Mukasa Muleme            –        “
58.    Oweek. Rehema Kasule Nakawooya        –        “
59.    Oweek. Damas Mulagwe            –        “
60.    Oweek. Dr. Charles Zziwa            –        “
61.    Owek. Umar K. Mayanja            –        “

REPRESENTATIVES FROM COUNTIES

62.    Oweek. Edward Kamya Lugonvu                – Kyaddondo
63.    Oweek. Kibirige Nakubulwa Zulayika            – Kyaddondo
64.    Oweek. Charles Bwenvu                    – Kyaddondo
65.    Oweek. Christine Kasule Mugerwa                – Kyaddondo
66.    Oweek. Kironde Kisuule Geoffrey                – Kyaddondo
67.    Oweek. Kato Kabugo Samson                 – Kyaddondo

68.    Oweek. Haji Abibu Kizito                    – Kyaggwe
69.    Oweek. Donald Muguluma Damulira                – Kyaggwe
70.    Oweek. Haji Kaweesi Kibiriti Abdallazziz            – Kyaggwe
71.    Oweek. Nalwanga Grace Wandyaka                – Kyaggwe
72.    Oweek. Nalubwama Barbra                     – Kyaggwe
73.    Oweek. Patrick Kisitu                        – Kyaggwe

74.    Oweek. Nabwami Sofia                    – Bulemeezi
75.    Oweek. Dr. Josephat Jombwe                 – Bulemeezi
76.    Oweek. Kasimu Hassam                    – Bulemeezi
77.    Oweek. James Mabaale                    – Bulemeezi
78.    Oweek. Noel Nabweteme                    – Bulemeezi
79.    Oweek. Erasto Kibirango                    – Bulemeezi

80.    Oweek. Ismail Mulema                    – Kooki
81.    Oweek. Semu Kulubya                    – Kooki
82.    Oweek Ddungu Ssemuto                    – Kooki

83.    Oweek. Hajati Fatuma Namugula                – Mawogola
84.    Oweek. Wamala Samu                    – Mawogola
85.    Oweek. Ssesanga Magala Peter                – Mawogola

86.    Oweek. Joseph Balikuddembe                – Buddu
87.    Oweek. Mugumbya G. Ssenyonga                – Buddu
88.    Oweek. Samuel P. Kayiwa                    – Buddu
89.    Oweek Henry Wasswa Mukasa                – Buddu
90.    Oweek. Babirye Mary Kabanda                – Buddu
91.    Oweek. Ronald Mugamba                    – Buddu

92.    Oweek. Ssemwogerere Deo Mutyaba                – Buwekula
93.    Oweek. Kiwanuka Harriet Nampala                – Buwekula
94.    Oweek. Matovu Ndawula Erisa                – Buwekula
95.    Oweek. Gyaviira Kasajja                    – Buwekula

96.    Oweek. Kijjambu H.R Stanley                 – Ssingo
97.    Oweek. Matovu Noah                        – Ssingo
98.    Oweek. Zziwa Kimogofu                    – Ssingo
99.    Oweek. Nantume Poline                    – Ssingo
100.    Oweek. Lubega Godfrey                – Ssingo
101.    Oweek. Wasswa Katende Kezekia              – Ssingo

102.    Oweek. Ssonko Margret                 – Bugerere
103.    Oweek. Ssekimuli Swaib                – Bugerere
104.    Oweek. Kawuma Nuwah                – Bugerere
105.    Oweek. Walugendo Charles                – Bugerere
106.    Oweek. Robina Magezi                – Bugerere
107.    Oweek. Schofield.D.B Ssekubwa            – Bugerere

108.    Oweek. Ssetenda Ssenoga Livingstone        – Gomba
109.    Oweek. Namale Amina                – Gomba
110.    Oweek. Muwanga Kaggwa Amos            – Gomba
111.    Oweek. Namuddu Rehema. Ssekabira        – Gomba

112.    Oweek Mugenyi Alex Salongo            – Buvuma
113.    Oweek. Kitayimbwa Fred                – Buvuma
114.    Oweek. Namugabo Federesi Sekindi            – Buvuma

115.    Oweek. Ssebwato Godfrey Ssebanakita        – Buluuli
116.    Oweek. Wanzala Livingstone                – Buluuli
117.    Oweek. Nambi Nambooze Ruth            – Buluuli
118.    Oweek. Ssemwanga Fred                – Buluuli

119.    Oweek. Naggayi Annet                – Busiro
120.    Oweek. Musisi Kabuye Fredrick            – Busiro
121.    Oweek. George Geserwa                – Busiro
122.    Oweek. Kiberu Kisiriiza Charles            -Busiro
123.    Oweek. Suzan Namutebi Musoke            – Busiro
124.    Oweek. Kalule Ssewaali John                – Busiro

125.    Oweek. Nyika Mutooto Victor            – Busujju
126.    Oweek. Kikomeko Nakate C. Birabwa        – Busujju
127.    Oweek Jjingo Mark Byekwaso            – Busujju

128.    Oweek Ssalongo Lutaaya G. W            – Ssese
129.    Oweek. Nakyeyune Glades                 – Ssese
130.    Oweek. Kasirye Augustine                 – Ssese

131.    Oweek. Ssekyeru David                – Mawokota
132.    Oweek. Juma Bbosa                    – Mawokota
133.    Oweek. Nalongo Jane Florence Kiwalago        – Mawokota
134.    Oweek. Dr. Martin Nsubuga                -Mawokota

135.    Oweek. Nanyonjo Jaliya Sseguya            – Butambala
136.    Oweek. Najib Kivumbi                – Butambala
137.    Oweek. Ssepuuya Steven                – Butambala
138.    Oweek. Nabwami Aisha Sserunjogi            – Butambala

139.    Oweek. Matovu Sarah Nakalembe            – Kabula
140.    Oweek. Hajjat Nassimbwa Nsereko            – Kabula
141.    Oweek. Ssenkima Stephen                – Kabula
142.    Oweek. Kamunana Emmanuel            – Kabula

REPRESENTATIVES OF THE YOUTH

143.    Oweek. Mitimbo Gonzaga Kagumba        – Nkobazambogo
144.    Oweek. Elijah Kyobe                – Nkobazambogo
145.    Oweek. Kiyemba Hassan            – Nkobazambogo
146.    Oweek. Mazzi Sylvia                – Nkobazambogo
147.    Oweek. Nalweyiso Hasifah             – Nkobazambogo

148.    Oweek. Joseph Kawuki            – Buganda Youth Council
149.    Oweek. Ssabavuma Christopher        – Buganda Youth Council
150.    Oweek. Ismail Kintu                – Buganda Youth Council
151.    Oweek. Henry Kasacca Mubiru        – Buganda Youth Council
152.    Oweek. Mulindwa Michael Nakumusana    – Buganda Youth Council
153.    Oweek. Sylvia Kirabira G            – Buganda Youth Council
154.    Oweek. Christine Nabukenya            – Buganda Youth Council

155.    Oweek. Mulwana Kizito Andrew        – Ssuubi Lya Buganda
156.    Oweek. Balikuddembe J. Senkusu        – Ssuubi Lya Buganda
157.    Oweek. Isaac Mpanga                – Ssuubi Lya Buganda
158.    Owek. Prosperous Nankindu Kavuma    – Ssuubi Lya Buganda
159.    Oweek. Henry Ssekabembe            – Ssuubi Lya Buganda
160.    Oweek. Isa K. Mayanja            – Ssuubi Lya Buganda

REPRESENTATIVES OF VARIOUS CATEGORIES (Professionals)

161.    Oweek. Henry Kanyike            – Livestock
162.    Oweek. Prof. Badru Kateregga         – Education
163.    Oweek. Enock Kato                – Farmers
164.    Oweek Younus Kamulegeya            – Consult-Eng
165.    Oweek. Edward Nkuggwa            – Accountants.
166.    Oweek. John Sebaana Kizito            – Bika Football Committee.
167.    Owek. Kassim Yawe Musoke            – People with Disabilities.
168.    Oweek. Nantumbwe Rose            – The Luganda Language
169.    Owek. Robert Nviiri            – Ekibiina ky’Olulimi Oluganda
170.    Oweek. Chris Bwanika            – Bannamateeka
171.    Oweek. Haji Midirikati Mukasa        – Employees
172.    Oweek. Hajji Jamada Lutta Musoke        – Employers
173.    Oweek. Hasipha Nampeewo Mpagi        – Women
174.    Oweek. Solome Walusimbi Mpanga        – Women
175.    Oweek. Joyce Mpanga            – Women
176.    Oweek. Agnes Nabulya  Nkuggwa        – Women
177.    Oweek. Ibrahim Suguya    – The Lukiiko Nom. Committee.
178.    Oweek. Dr. Kiwanuka     Ben Mukwaya    – Medical Workers
179.    Oweek. Edward Kayondo                “
180.    Oweek. Gasta Lule- Ntake             – Business Community
181.    Oweek Mukasa Ssalongo James        – Business Community
182.    Oweek. Noah Kiyimba            – Tertiary Institution
183.    Oweek. Prof. Livingstone Walusimbi        – Elders
184.    Oweek. Mohamood Ssebagala        – Elders

REPRESENTATIVES FROM OUTSIDE BUGANDA

185.    Oweek. Kizito Peter Mufumba    – Abaganda ababeera e Busoga
186.    Oweek. Kato Hussein Galiwango    -Abaganda ababeera e Bugisu
187.    Oweek. Ssenkumba M. Joseph    – Abaganda ababeera Samia/ Bugwe
188.    Oweek. Suleiman Ibrahim Kiggundu    – Abaganda ababeera mu East  Africa.

REPRESENTATIVES OF COMMUNITIES IN BUGANDA

189.    Oweek. Wahibu Doka                – Mukiise
190.    Oweek. Bakhit Juma Hassan (0753 968015)    -Mukiise
191.    Oweek. Manu Kanani                – Mukiise (0712777700)

CLERK

192.    Omukungu David Ntege

Thank you everyone and good luck to the new Lukiiko members because they are going to need it under the circumstances.

Abbey Kibirige Semuwemba

UAH CHIEF MODERATOR

Ssabanyala and Ssabaruli are just Politcal Titles that can be taken away any time

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Dear Ugandans,

UNDER 1962 INDEPENDENCE CONSTITUION, THE HEAD OF STATE OF UGANDA WAS THE QUEEN OF ENGLAND WHO WOULD BE REPRESENTED BY A GOVERNOLR GENERAL. The First Constitutional Amendment 1963, created a position of President and Vice President to be elected by parliament. Candidates were to be traditional rulers. In non kingdom areas, a position of constitutional head was created like the Rutakirwea of Kigezi. These are now catered for under a regional Government arrangement as entrenched in 1995 constitution as amended in 2005 constitution.

These rulers can’t be presidents and vice presidents again like it was the case in 1963 because they are barred from partisan politics. But they can titular heads of regional governments. Unfortunately some opportunists at mmengo rejected such a wonderful deal, which was agreed upon by the President, the Kabaka, the Katikkiro, Mulwanyammuli then, John Katende, Charles Peter Mayigha, Apolllo makubuya, Grace Ndugwa, among others. Traditional/ cultural leaders are only barred from partisan politics but not politics for man is a political animal.

l am a journalist and my area of specialization is politics. l covered and followed well Government Mmengo talks. The formal ones were with Katikkiro and his team and Mbabazi-Rugunda team. Occasionally the President and the Kabaka could intervene. Later the Kabaka was personally represented by Prince David Kintu Wassajja. Another informal team of Haji Abdu Nadduli, omutaka Nadduli Kibaale, Prince Kitayimbwa Mumiransanafu the late Bishop Yokana Mukasa, also intervened. Museveni had a three day meeting with Haji Nadduli in Karamoja in 2004, as there was no head way between Mulwanyammuli and Mbabazi-Rugunda.

The final deal was endorsed by Lukiiko. But when Mulwanyammuli was forced to resign, the Lukiiko undid what it had done. Among those in the talks and are still at Mmengo include Apolo Makubuya and Charles Peter Mayiga. Joseph Mulwanyammuli may be seen as a hypocrite, but am sympathetic to him for he was betrayed by both Mmengo and the centre.

The traditional leader of Bugerere was Namuyonjo, who was also deposed by Kabaleega in his wars. But later Sir Edward Muteesa ll restored him and gave him a Mailo Estate at Galiraaya in present Baale County. But the political/administrative leader was a saza chief.

The problem however is that ever since kingdoms were restored in 1993, Mmengo has not installed a Nang’oma or a Namuyonjo. Neither has it allowed the Kabaka’s subjects in Buluuli and Bugerere, to elect their won representatives to Buganda Lukiiko. Then name calling of who is more muganda than another started by frustrated politicians, and the climax was the last September riots.

Take an example of my home Mawogola County or Ssembabule District. The traditional leader was Chief Muntu Njovu, the last signatory on Buganda Agreement of 1900. He got two Mailo land estates at Bulera, which is his official estate, and Kyebando, which is private. His relatives and subjects, including grandfather of CMI Brig. James Mugira, also got Mailo estates. But the political/administrative leader was a saza chief.

The Bamooli, the Muntu’s ruling clan and Bannabwera, his subjects seek restoration of that cultural autonomy, but mmengo is adamant.

Most Baluuli and Banyara are Baganda with an exception of a few political agitators. One of Buganda’s famous Prime ministers, Nsibirwa (in whose name is now a hall at Makerere University), was a Munyala. In Buluuli, immigrants including Baganda,  Banyankore and Banyarwanda when team up with moderate Baluuli, hardliners like Hon. Muluuli Mukasa,, former security minister, become a minority. In Bugerere, Banyala though natives, are less than 10 percent, and the majority are Baganda.

The provision which was in the First Amendment of 1962 Independence Constitution (1963) applied for non kingdom areas and the kingdoms of Buganda, Bunyoro, Tooro and the Territory of Busoga were exceptional. It was smuggled out of the bill according to the president and cabinet.

Ahmed Katerega

UAH forumist

Museveni could easily become the first hereditary Muhororo king of Uganda

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A forecaster is a person who, using available information, estimates, calculates or predicts in advance what will happen in future. Based on information at hand, it is possible to foretell that Museveni plans to become the first hereditary king of Uganda kingdom. What are the ingredients for this prediction?

1. It is not a secret any longer that Museveni entertains the notion of creating a Tutsi Empire with himself as the first Emperor. Museveni believes very strongly in using military might to realize what he wants. Other strategies are supplementary. And that is why democracy in Uganda is conducted at gun point. There is sufficient information about Museveni’s military/political intervention in Burundi, Rwanda and DRC as preparation for Tutsi Empire. If Mugabe had not intervened in DRC war, Museveni would probably have realized his dream. As is now known Mugabe entered the war principally to stop Museveni from creating a Tutsi Empire in Middle Africa (J. N. Weatherby 2003). Besides military intervention, Museveni is indirectly pushing Tutsi Empire through the East African economic integration and political federation. Museveni has even talked about a federation larger than the Great Lakes one. On April 4, 1997, it is reported that Museveni stated “My mission is to see that Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi and Zaire [DRC] become federal states under one nation [and one leader]” (EIR Special Report 1997). Thus, Uganda kingdom is an integral part of this scheme. The following steps have been or are being taken to create Uganda kingdom.

2. When Bahima and Bahororo (Batutsi from Rwanda) minority (so-called pastoralists) were in full control of political and military operations in southwest Uganda (Ankole and Rujumbura county of Rukungiri district) in pre-colonial and colonial days, intermarriage between them and Bairu (slaves or so-called agriculturalists) was forbidden. Bairu were condemned to slaving for the comfort of their masters. In such circumstances it would not have made sense to encourage intermarriage between masters and slaves. Occasionally the king of Ankole would give a Muhima woman to an outstanding Muiru (singular for Bairu) soldier to marry and incorporate him into his group thereby depriving Bairu of a strong military leader.

3. The arrival of independence in 1962 based on majority rule changed the equation. The majority Bairu through one person one vote changed previous arrangements and became bosses at the district and national levels. To undo this development and bring Bahima and Bahororo minority back to dominant position, restrictions on intermarriage were withdrawn overnight. Bahima and Bahororo women (excluding those from royal families) were encouraged to marry en masse wealthy and/or educated Bairu who in turn would be naturalized Bahima or Bahororo and forsake their ancestral roots. They would thereafter be champions in promoting and defending Bahima and Bahororo interests. Meanwhile Bahima and Bahororo men continued to marry Bahima and Bahororo women only to avoid being penetrated by Bairu women so that their secrets about dominating others are not revealed.

4. Since Bahororo and Bahima came to power in 1986, Bahororo and Bahima women mostly from lower social classes are marrying Uganda men in large numbers and naturalizing or integrating them into Bahima/Bahororo culture like they have done with Bairu of southwest Uganda. Thus, the numbers of Bahororo/Bahima and in-laws of influential people have steadily increased in all parts of Uganda. A group of Bahororo women called Bashambokazi Kumanyana (to know one another) has been formed and one of the principal objectives is to arrange for Bahima and Bahororo women to marry men outside their Nilotic ethnic group and boost the number of political supporters of Bahororo. Please note that Bahima and Bahororo men continue to resist marrying women outside their Nilotic ethnic group. Increased intermarriages would be easy to deduce from marriage statistics but the files have disappeared.

5. Since the social revolution of 1959 in Rwanda, Uganda has attracted many Batutsi refugees (cousins of Bahima and Bahororo) many of whom have stayed and are playing crucial and strategic roles in Museveni’s government. Batutsi women like their Bahororo and Bahima cousins are encouraged to marry men outside their Nilotic ethnic group. There are stories of Batutsi men (and Bahima and Bahororo) forcing their daughters to marry at tender ages. These intermarriages are political although falsely presented by Kesaasi and others as the result of love between two consenting individuals. With recent disappearance of files on immigration, it is going to be difficult to determine how many Tutsis are in Uganda and marrying outside their ethnic group. It is therefore important that the government must be pressured to get all the missing files (on immigrants and vital registration) back intact because those who ‘stole’ them are known.

6. Article 37 of 1995 Uganda constitution states in part that every person has the right to promote any culture, cultural institution and tradition. This culture and institution could be at a community, district or national level! It is possible that a person or group of persons could propose that Uganda becomes a kingdom in order to unify the country under one king instead of a proliferation of kings that constrain the achievement of national unity project. What is happening in Uganda right now that began as demand for cultural institutions and leaders has turned out to be a demand for creating kingdoms and installing kings. Demands are coming in from all parts of Uganda presumably with tacit encouragement of the government. There are reports that Bakiga are now demanding a cultural institution and leader. This is laying the groundwork for eventual demand for a kingdom at the national level once a critical mass of demands has been secured. It is possible! What is needed is a mechanism to put the idea of Uganda kingdom into effect. That mechanism could be parliament. Parliament can change the constitution and declare Uganda a kingdom. Remember not too long ago Uganda parliament changed the constitution by removing presidential term limits. When the idea was first floated, many Ugandans thought that that was the dream of a lunatic and brushed it aside, arguing that Ugandans would not accept that. Now we have a constitution without presidential term limits!

7. What Museveni needs is to have in the next parliament at least two-thirds of NRM unwavering supporters to introduce a bill calling for making Uganda a kingdom and Museveni the first hereditary Muhororo king. And the game will be over. The media will say all it wants until it gets tired or if riots break out, Museveni has taken care of that in advance. With security forces at his disposal, he will crush any protest. With the Supreme Court in his pocket, the decision of parliament will be confirmed.

8. To keep international criticism at bay, Museveni has collaborated with strategic western powers in Great Lakes geopolitics, structural adjustment and anti-terrorism crusade. Do you now see how strategic Museveni is!

9. Should the Tutsi Empire come to fruition or the East African Federation be realized while Museveni is king of Uganda, he will move on to a larger institution and appoint his brother, son or daughter to succeed him as king or queen of Uganda.

10. That is why 2011 elections have become crucial. NRM candidates were selected carefully causing chaos because the non-trusted candidates were rigged out of the primaries. To prevent the creation of Uganda kingdom, voters must deny Museveni two-thirds of NRM members of parliament. The choice is yours.

11. When you fail to act and Uganda becomes a kingdom with Museveni as the first hereditary Muhororo king, do not shed crocodile tears that you did not know. Now you know!

Eric Kashambuzi

Museveni did not read history lessons properly

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Eric Kashambuzi

Museveni claims to have studied history. It is not clear which branch of history he studied. Did he study revolutionary; military; diplomatic; colonial; negotiations; medieval; modern or all the branches of history? Whichever branch he studied, Museveni’s behavior demonstrates that he learned wrong lessons and that is why he has ended up described as a dictator presiding over a failed state.

Museveni believes very strongly that when you are militarily strong and you are feared (that is why he wears military uniform when there is a domestic challenge), then you can crush all your enemies (Museveni sees dissent in enemy, not opponent terms) with impunity. That is why he devoted his early life undergoing military training. As president, his number one priority has been building strong security forces to intimidate and when necessary crush political dissent. The defense budget has therefore been disproportionately larger than any other sector. Consequently infrastructural, social and environmental sectors have been starved of resources and are on the verge of collapse (potholes in Kampala City are an obvious case) – an outcome that may end his presidency.

History shows that military strength alone is not enough to defeat a determined people. The Portuguese government refused to negotiate with African liberation forces believing that military victory was the only choice. In the end the government itself was overthrown and Portugal defeated and all Portuguese fled their former African colonies in utter humiliation. On the other hand, visionary de Clerk, prime minister of apartheid South Africa, read the signs correctly and concluded that military victory was impossible. He entered into genuine negotiations with Nelson Mandela and a win-win agreement was struck (unlike the fake Okello/Museveni Nairobi negotiations). White South Africans who chose to stay have accepted Africans as equals and not creatures to slave for the Master Race.

If Museveni does not draw a lesson from the experience of Mandela and de Clerk that military strength has drawbacks and begins to negotiate with opponents or to give them space to participate in the political processes as equals, there are going to be serious problems. Instead, Museveni is still investing in weapons of human destruction (WHD) rather than creating conditions for dialogue with all stake holders.

Museveni believes that once you have solid foreign support, you cannot be defeated at home. Accordingly, in trying to get Britain’s support, Museveni accepted a harsh version of structural adjustment (shock therapy) because it was favored by conservative western leaders particularly Margaret Thatcher of the United Kingdom. Museveni collaborated closely with Linda Chalker a trusted minister who preached Thatcher’s philosophy of economic liberalism including monetary economics focusing on inflation control (at the expense of employment) and privatization of public enterprises. Museveni embraced similar policies in the economic reform programs since 1987.

Regarding privatization, Uganda’s public assets were divested en masse without proper assessment of their value, which ones to be privatized, to be closed or to be retained because they were making profit or serve strategic national interests. Divestment began immediately a decision was taken with instructions that any problems should be addressed as they arise rather than delay divestments until all constraints had been studied and resolved. The assets were sold at throw away prices (we have never been informed how much revenue was raised and to what use it was put). Because there were no Ugandans with capital and skills to participate in the exercise, most Uganda assets are foreign-owned – severely undermining Uganda’s sovereignty. The few that were allocated to Ugandans connected with the first family have performed badly and are always applying for government bailout to avoid bankruptcy – the very reason privatization triumphed over nationalization.

Also, because Museveni needed continued Britain’s support (British media and financial interests supported his guerrilla war), he agreed to the return of all Asians if they wished to and repossession of their properties including possibly those that had been compensated. This decision was and still is very unpopular and contentious in Uganda.

While taking these unpopular decisions to please foreign powers, Museveni has failed to draw the right lessons from the experiences of Haile Selassie of Ethiopia and Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire/DRC. These two African leaders had solid support of western powers. Nobody would have thought that they would be abandoned for any reason. However, when the west realized that the two leaders had become very unpopular in their respective countries it chose the people over the leaders. Haile SeIassie was in the end judged by western powers as a flawed leader with an autocratic style of leadership and abandoned. Similarly Mobutu was judged kleptocratic leader and advised to step down. When he refused, he was thrown out by Kagame and Museveni troops. The same thing could happen to Museveni if he continues along the current unpopular trajectory.

Museveni has not yet drawn a lesson about the power of images (photographs) in eroding the credibility of leaders. During the 1973/74 devastating famine in Ethiopia, the world watched images of starving women and children while Ethiopia was exporting food to earn foreign currency to cater to the needs of the rich, and Haile Selaisse was photographed feeding large chunks of beef to his lions in the palace compound. Without question, these images enhanced the Emperor’s removal from power.

The images of starving mothers and children when Uganda is exporting huge amounts of food to neighboring countries and beyond to earn foreign currency to satisfy the needs of the rich; pictures of Ugandans disfigured by jiggers because of absolute poverty; pictures of Kampala under floods because drainage channels have been blocked by unplanned buildings; pictures of overturned vehicles and dead passengers because of poor road maintenance and images of Museveni boarding an $80 million presidential jet in a third world, least developed and landlocked country that depends on foreign aid for survival have sent wrong messages about Museveni’s leadership and priority setting. Yet Museveni and his media staff continue to deny the adverse impact they are having on him.

Museveni believes that once you have crushed opposition parties and you have a firm control of your party then everything else will flow as planned. In this regard, Museveni has not learned from Margaret Thatcher’s experience. Thatcher believed that she had a comfortable handle on her conservative party and could initiate unpopular programs (e.g. poll tax) with impunity. She got a shock when members of her party forced her to step down through party elections.

Similarly, Museveni got a shock when disgruntled party members announced that because primary elections for 2011 general elections had been rigged, they were contesting as independent candidates. He advised them to drop the idea for party unity to no avail. If business continues as usual, Museveni could, one day, be forced to step down. It is possible because Ugandans are changing!

Museveni has not learned that ignoring or exploiting peasants can be politically costly. Peasants’ revolts contributed a major part in the collapse of feudalism in Europe. French peasants played a crucial role in the French Revolution. Uganda peasants are unhappy with Museveni policies. They see their children drop out of school in large part because government has refused to provide lunches and see their youth unemployed when youth from Museveni ethnic group with whom they studied are driving new vehicles. Independent candidates from Museveni’s party have seen this loophole and hope to exploit it and defeat Museveni’s preferred candidates. Thus, Uganda peasants, like peasants everywhere, can get cranky and cause trouble for Museveni when they feel their rights have been trampled too much.

Finally, Museveni did not draw a lesson regarding the impact of enlightenment thinkers on the American and French revolutions. European thinkers rejected divine right of kings and the dogma that some people were born to rule and others to slave in perpetuity. Museveni still believes in the divine right of presidents to give orders that must be followed at face value – without raising a finger in protest or to seek clarification. Museveni still believes that Bahororo are born natural leaders and will rule Uganda for ever possibly as a hereditary monarchy in spite of disastrous effects of his policies on the economy, ecology and society since 1986.

Museveni and his close tribal advisers still entertain the notion that any potential opponent should be liquidated. Museveni and those advising him need to understand that any person or relative murdered for his/her political views can only hasten his downfall. Uganda has entered the enlightenment phase and Ugandans have the right to reason and to ask questions and demand convincing answers – not to be dismissed as bankrupt, liars or empty and noisy tins!

Ugandans in urban and increasingly rural areas know their inalienable rights and no one can take them away without adverse consequences. The issue of land has demonstrated that even the illiterate cannot be swindled without nasty outcomes. If Uganda land is sold to foreign states or companies to grow food for their people while Ugandans starve, you can be sure Uganda peasants and urban elite will rebel (the case of Mabira forest is still fresh in our minds). As in European peasants’ revolts all that is needed is one or two bold leaders like Tyler to get the revolt rolling.

Generally, Ugandans are peace loving people who want to raise their families in peace and security and in harmony with their neighbors. Sadly, Uganda has had bad leaders who believe in the use of force rather than negotiations on a win-win basis. Impoverishing and humiliating opponents by depriving them of their property, culture (while Museveni is proud of his culture he is at the same time destroying the culture of others) and dignity by using military, intelligence and economic tools can only aggravate anger and speed up mobilization for resistance. Museveni expressed anger at Obote by waging a nasty guerrilla war on Buganda soil far away from his own. What makes Museveni think that others cannot react before they are completely destroyed? The armed forces he is proud of could turn against him especially by junior officers who have not enjoyed like the generals. Haile Selassie was picked up from his palace by junior officers he had dumped in a remote battalion in southern Ethiopia (we still remember Master Sergeant Samuel Doe of Liberia). Ugandans need not resort to force because there are better alternatives if all parties are ready to take that path. Let us hope that common sense and interest of present and future generations will prevail over Museveni’s personal and tribal interests.

Eric Kashambuzi

UAH forumist in NewYork

Museveni is turning Uganda into Bahororo dynasty

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Museveni is a big dreamer and strategist. He has plans for Bahororo dynasty in Uganda as an integral part of Tutsi Empire in the Great Lakes Region. He is using a combination of military, political, economic and diplomatic weapons to realize his dreams. Ugandans should listen and watch carefully when Museveni talks or acts. He has a subtle way of sending messages. This article will focus on plans for declaring Bahororo dynasty in Uganda. For easy reference, let us review the history of former Mpororo kingdom as background information to Bahororo dynasty.

A group of Batutsi from Rwanda under the leadership of Kahaya Rutindangyenzi of Bashambo ruling clan founded Mpororo Kingdom around mid-1600s. The kingdom lasted less than 100 years because of serious internal problems. Although the exact boundaries are not known, it stretched from northern Rwanda to southwest Uganda largely in present-day Ntungamo district. When the kingdom disintegrated the portion in southwest Uganda was taken over by Bahima under Bahinda ruling clan. Bahororo who had been rulers over Bairu (slaves or commoners) became commoners themselves under Bahima kings.

Many Bahororo who were dissatisfied returned to Rwanda, others stayed (and chose to call themselves Bahima to avoid being classified and (mis)treated as commoners) or moved somewhere else. Ninety years or so after the kingdom had disintegrated a group of Bahororo under the leadership of Rwebiraro of Bashambo clan sought refuge in Rujumbura around 1800 and settled at Nyakinengo. Therefore Rujumbura was not a part of Mpororo kingdom.

Although Bahororo lost their kingdom and the name ‘Mpororo’ disappeared from maps of what later became Uganda, Bahororo tenaciously clung together (by marrying among themselves) wherever they lived – in Rwanda, Rujumbura, Ankole, Buganda or elsewhere and kept alive the dream of restoring Mpororo kingdom.

During negotiations for Uganda independence, Bahororo in Ankole demanded a separate district. They did not succeed but the idea did not die. Museveni who is a Muhororo was old enough and witnessed how Bahima of Ankole denied Bahororo a separate district (there are rumors – to be confirmed – that Ankole kingdom was not restored because of the unresolved Mpororo kingdom question).

Museveni has set himself the gigantic task of restoring and expanding Mpororo from southwest Uganda to the entire country. He is using inter alia the following methods in calculated and subtle manner.

First, Museveni has patiently with the help of historians and other professionals identified all Bahororo and their Bahima (including Oyima in Lango), Batutsi and Banyamulenge cousins in Uganda and beyond. Because they use different Uganda names and speak different Uganda languages, it is difficult to detect them. Museveni has therefore placed them in strategic positions in the army, police and intelligence, strategic ministries especially of finance and foreign affairs and in business. The oil sector is already in Museveni’s pocket. That is why it has become critically important to know who is who in Uganda to avoid the country being ‘high jacked’.

Second, by pushing economic integration and free mobility of East Africans, Museveni has made it relatively easy for Batutsi from Rwanda, Burundi and DRC to filter into Uganda to boost Bahororo numbers. For this reason Museveni favors a liberal immigration policy. That is why you see so many buses from Burundi and Rwanda ferrying Batutsi into Uganda. With poor records it is difficult to know how many of these Batutsi are staying in Uganda permanently. Should East African political federation become a reality, Uganda will be flooded with Batutsi and Banyamulenge who will occupy Uganda land and throw out indigenous owners – it is reported to be happening in Ntungamo district already.

The 1995 Uganda constitution that allows free mobility and settlement anywhere in the country was designed largely for this purpose but Ugandans did not and still do not understand this trick. Using immigration statistics, it would be possible to determine how many Batutsi and Banyamulenge have entered Uganda and how many have left. However, records on migration, births, deaths and marriages etc that would provide the information on migration have been stolen although those who stole them are known but have not yet been apprehended! That is why Ugandans must demand the return of those files intact.

Third, under normal circumstances, when refugees are given asylum they are kept and supported in camps until conditions improve in their home countries and they go back. In Uganda since 1959 when Batutsi refugees and their cattle entered Uganda, refugees are settled and by default (or with some help) many of them have become Uganda citizens. The Tutsi refugees were allowed to stay with relatives or move to other places where they were helped to acquire land. If you add on migrant workers you understand how Buganda ended up with 40 percent of Banyarwanda at the time of independence.

These haphazard settlements explain in large part problems in Sembabule, Rakai and Mawokota, Bunyoro and Ntungamo etc. In Kabale where the population density is high, accommodating Batutsi refugees since 1959 resulted in Bakiga being pushed out to other areas of Uganda. Thus, some people who pose as Bakiga from Kabale are actually Batutsi. Museveni knows them well and has used them effectively. The United Nations High Commissioner for refugees (UNHCR) that has responsibility for their wellbeing should provide information on all refugees in Uganda since 1959 to see how many have returned to their countries. This information would also be used to avoid future conflicts with indigenous people especially as political problems in the Horn of Africa, Kenya and DRC have pushed Somalis, Kenyans and Congolese into Uganda.

Fourth, wealthy or educated non-Bahororo, non-Batutsi and non-Bahima men are being encouraged – sometimes without them knowing it – to marry women from Bahororo and their cousins. Usually these are women from lower social classes (women from higher or royal classes marry men in their Nilotic ethnic group and would not be allowed to marry outside of that circle even if they wanted to). Once you marry into Bahororo family you become a Muhororo or you are ‘Tutsified’ and you join that culture and abandon your ancestral relatives. Therefore these are basically political marriages designed to weaken non-Bahororo Ugandans. There is a rumor (subject to confirmation) that Bashambo women have formed a club called Bashambokazi Kumanyana (to know one another) and one of the principal objectives is to marry Bahororo women to non-Bahororo wealthy and/or educated men.

Fifth, Museveni has made sure that children of Bahororo and their cousins get superb education at home and/or abroad while Uganda children languish in public schools that have been starved of funds and cannot even serve lunch to hungry children who are dropping out of school. Museveni has resisted suggestions to provide kids with lunch. Now you can understand why. This is not a matter that requires a study (as Museveni has directed) by the World Bank which is not entirely in favor of school lunches. The educated Bahororo in time will occupy all important positions in all areas of human endeavor and control semi-illiterate and unemployable Ugandans. Museveni is also not keen to provide relief to unemployed youth through public works initially as other governments have done because that is part of the plan – to marginalize and reduce them to politically and economically voicelessness and powerlessness.

Sixth, Museveni has accommodated foreigners by privatizing public assets (and increasingly allocating them land) and giving them freedom to make as much money as they are able to (including by underpaying Uganda workers through labor flexibility) in return for supporting him to stay in power as long as he wants. Museveni’s chosen successor would continue cozy relations with foreigners to consolidate Bahororo dynasty.

Seventh, Museveni who controls the judiciary and executive branches now wants the legislative branch of government as well. With three branches in his pocket the game will be over. For 2011 elections NRM flag bearers were carefully selected and that is why the NRM primaries were chaotic. The preferred candidates defeated those that do not fit Museveni’s scheme of capturing and controlling parliament. With at least two-thirds majority of solid supporters in parliament, Museveni will engineer revolutionary constitutional changes that may shock Ugandans.

If Ugandans have noticed, many groups are now demanding cultural leaders. The idea of cultural leaders is in the 1995 constitution. They could not use kings because that would have been too obvious. What is interesting is that groups are increasingly demanding and installing not cultural heads but kings. Have Ugandans noticed the shift from cultural leaders to kings? As more and more groups demand kings and kingdoms, Museveni may use this opportunity and argue that since the overwhelming groups want kings we might as well declare Uganda a kingdom. With at least two-thirds in parliament fully behind Museveni, Uganda could easily be declared a kingdom with Museveni as the first king. When this happens, it will be too late to change because Museveni will be in control of security forces, all branches of government and the business community. Since the decision will have been taken democratically, there is nothing the international community can do. Do not dismiss this observation out of hand. It is possible to declare Uganda a hereditary kingdom, entrenching Bahororo dynasty. The only chance Ugandans have is to defeat NRM in 2011. This matter should be taken seriously so that no one complains afterwards that if they had known they would have voted differently. Now you know!

Eric Kashambuzi

Working with UN in New York

Why Nilotic Bahororo and their cousins don’t marry Bantu women

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Eric Kashambuzi

In the article on “Who are Bahororo?” it was mentioned that men do not marry Bantu women. Some readers have asked me to elaborate in order to understand why they don’t. Although Bahororo (Batutsi from Rwanda), Bahima and Batutsi cousins speak Bantu language, they are ethnically different from Bantu people, hence the use of Nilotic Bahororo and their cousins in the heading. At one time it was erroneously believed that Bahororo and their cousins were white people, but scientific studies have demonstrated conclusively and definitively that they are black people and darker with thicker lips than Bantu people – no disrespect is intended (J. D. Fage A History of Africa 1995 & Jean Hiernaux The People of Africa 1975). Although Bahororo and their cousins do not marry Bantu (Bairu and Bahutu) women they use them frequently for sexual pleasure and even produce children together. More references will be provided for those who would like to read more on the subject. Many quotations will also be used to avoid misinterpretation of authors’ messages.

According to John Hanning Speke (The Discovery of the Source of the Nile 1863, 2006) Bairu people (slaves) theoretically refers to all Bantu people south of the Nile. However, because of extensive intermarriage between Nilotic and Bantu people in Bunyoro, Buganda and Toro, entirely new communities were created and the ethnic distinction disappeared. This article will therefore refer to Bahororo, Bahima and Batutsi of southwest Uganda (Ankole and Rujumbura) and Rwanda and Burundi where Nilotic men do not marry Bahutu and Bairu women. It is important to add at this juncture that when wealthy and/or educated Bairu and Bahutu men marry Bahororo, Bahima and Batutsi women, they marry them mostly from relatively poor families. Thus, Bahororo, Bahima and Batutsi women from wealthy or royal families do not marry Bairu or Bahutu men reminiscent of medieval Europe where the nobility married among itself (John Merriman A History of Modern Europe 1996).

Although Bahororo and their cousins argue that they do not marry Bairu and Bahutu women because they are not pretty, historians and anthropologists and other commentators have given a different reason. One of them states that “… the Hima and Tutsi of the southwestern highland zone [southwest Uganda, Burundi and Rwanda] did not mix so freely. They avoided intermarriage and by keeping themselves distinct they managed, in time, to establish a position of domination over the majority peasants [Bairu and Bahutu] cultivators of the region” (Kevin Shillington History of Africa1989).

Another historian has written that “It was the political domination [of agriculturalists or Bairu and Bahutu] by the pastoralists [Bahororo and their cousins] that brought the two groups [pastoralists and agriculturalists] to live together” (Bethwell A. Ogot Economic and Social History of East Africa 1979). Thus they have avoided marrying Bairu and Bahutu women to keep their secrets about dominating Bahutu and Bairu people and other people in the great lakes region. Conversely, one can argue that Bahororo, Bahima and Batutsi women marry wealthy and/or educated Bairu and Bahutu men largely for political reasons – to get access to Bairu and Bahutu secrets about liberating themselves from Bahororo, Bahima and Batutsi domination.

Here is more information. According to Kinyarwanda law or culture “The punishment for rape depended on the social status of the person involved. Thus if a Hutu raped a Tutsi woman, he was put to death; if a Hutu woman was raped by a Tutsi, the matter would be settled by compensation” (James L. Gibbs Peoples of Africa 1965).

Regarding marriage and ownership of children, “The legality of a marriage depended on the handing over of a bride price by the groom’s father to the bride’s father. The mere performance of the marriage rites did not constitute a legal union. The transfer of bride wealth caused the husband … to acquire an exclusive right on his wife’s reproductive power so as to make him stand out as the legal father (pater) of all children born to the woman, either begotten by himself or by another man” ( James L. Gibbs Peoples of Africa 1965).

Another Kinyarwanda or more specifically Tutsi culture is that a woman is expected to remain virgin until she marries. Therefore “unmarried Tutsi boys would be ‘given’ Hutu girls, temporarily, for sexual purposes”. As noted above “Intermarriage occurred, but usually with successful Hutu men marrying Tutsi women. Tutsi men would take Hutu women as concubines, rather than marrying them” (Neil J. Kressel Mass Hate 2002).

In Ankole although intermarriage was prohibited, “Bairu concubines were especially common among Bahima chiefs and gave rise to a class of half-castes known as Abambari. From the point of view of legal status, the Abambari were classed as Bairu, but personal consideration often modified the strict rigor of the rule” (Ramkrishna Murkherjee Uganda: An Historical Accident? Class, Nation, State Formation 1985).

The analysis above has demonstrated clearly that contrary to popular belief, Bairu and Bahutu women are not ugly otherwise Bahororo, Batutsi and Bahima men including the chiefs (with unlimited access to Bahima, Bahororo and Batutsi women) would not have had sex with them frequently. It means they enjoyed their company and possibly still do! In other words, they do so because in their eyes Bairu and Bahutu women are pretty and that is why Bahororo, Batutsi and Bahima men had sex with them frequently. Those in doubt including Kesaasi take another close look (free of bias) and you will not fail to admire the beauty of Bairu and Bahutu women. Bahororo, Bahima and Batutsi men do not marry Bairu and Bahutu women not because they are ugly but if they married them their secrets about dominating other people in Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi or elsewhere would be exposed.

As we progress into the 21st century, let us hope that the premise of domination that has prevented Bahima, Bahororo and Batutsi from marrying outside their Nilotic ethnic group will become a thing of the past – and pretty soon. The world will be watching.

Eric Kashambuzi

UAH forumist in New York

If SDP quits IPC, it will be a big relief to IPC

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It is inconsequential for IPC to collapse now. 60% of the objectives of setting up IPC have been achieved. The issue of IPC is not based on the parties but on the voters. Even with out IPC, the voters will automatically form their own IPC. I have observed and listened to voters here but they all agree that the issue is not parties but the desire to see Museveni out.
You will be surprised that one will vote against Museveni and then vote in an NRM MP. At the same time you will see one voting in KB  and a DP MP.

On Ssematimba, I believe his relationship with NRM stems back from his days with Cbs. Him and Mulindwa Muwonge left cbs with a disgruntled mind and were quickly used to fight Mengo by using Ssematimba’s super fm. I remember one time when museveni was pushing for the regional tier, his special press conference was attended by among others; Mulindwa Muwonge, Tamale Mirundi, Robert Ssebunya and Ofono Opondo. It seems therefore automatic that when time came for Ssematimba to join politics, he had to join his masters.

If SDP quits IPC, it will be a big relief to IPC. If anything, we dont want IPC to be associated with confused people like Mabike. If he quits, then Lukwago’s issue will be settled and he will automatically be the mayor. SDP alone is weaker than Bwanika’s PDP. It can however win some positions at local council levels such as councilors and LC 1 leadership.
By the way, doesn’t the IPC protocol provide for suspension from the co-operation? I think it would be wise to suspend SDP before they even think of quiting.
Jude Mayanja

WHO ARE BAHORORO?

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Dear Ugandans,

I have received many requests to elaborate on what I have written about Bahororo. While many people have some ideas about Bahima and Batutsi, they are not sure who Bahororo are, how they are related to Bahima and Batutsi and how and when they entered Uganda. This brief will try to provide a clarification. But first let me summarize the relationship between Bahororo on the one hand and Bahima, Batutsi and Banyamulenge on the other hand.

1.      It is now established that Bahororo, Bahima and Batutsi have a common Nilotic and Luo-speaking ancestry. The Nilotic Luo-speaking people entered Uganda from Bahr el Ghazel in southern Sudan with long horn cattle. It is not clear what caused them to move. However, conflict with Dinka people (whom they resemble) over grazing land and water has been mentioned as a contributing factor.  They crossed the Nile in phases into the grasslands further south. In Bunyoro, Toro and Buganda the Nilotic cattle herders mixed extensively with Bantu speaking people and formed new communities based on mixed farming of cattle herding, crop cultivation and some manufacturing largely of iron products. They adopted Bantu language.

2.      Those who entered Ankole (Nkore at that time) adopted the name of Bahima and Lunyankole (Bantu) language. They introduced long horn cattle.  Bahima decided not to intermarry with Bantu speakers they found in the area who practiced cattle (short horn) herding, crop cultivation and manufacturing activities. Bantu speakers who were dubbed Bairu (slaves) by Bahima had a diversified economy and were relatively well off than the new comers.

3.      The Nilotic cattle herding groups that entered Rwanda and Burundi adopted the name of Batutsi and Kinyarwanda (Bantu) language. They also adopted Bahutu king’s title of Mwami, meaning that Bahutu had kings before the Nilotic herders arrived. Like Bahima in Ankole, Batutsi in Rwanda and Burundi refrained from intermarriage with Bantu speakers whom they dubbed Bahutu (slaves).

4.      Batutsi who entered eastern Congo now Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) adopted the name of Banyamulenge. Banyamulenge do not intermarry with local communities.

5.      In mid-1600s, a group of Batutsi from Rwanda under the leadership of Bashambo clan founded Mpororo kingdom covering northern part of present-day Rwanda and mostly southwest Ankole. They adopted the name of Bahororo (people of Mpororo). Like Bahima, Batutsi and Banyamulenge, Bahororo do not intermarry with Bantu speakers dubbed Bairu.  Thus, Bahororo are Nilotic Batutsi from Rwanda. That is why Batutsi and Bahororo are sometimes used interchangeably.

6.      Thus, Bahima, Batutsi, Banyamulenge and Bahororo are cousins with the same ancestry of Nilotic Luo-speaking people and long horn cattle herders (or pastoralists). Because they do not marry outside their ethnic group, they have retained their distinct Nilotic identity.Wherever they live, they adopt local names and local languages. That is all. They know and help one another very well. An ‘attack’ on one Muhororo is regarded by Bahororo as an attack on all of them.

7.      Mpororo kingdom (kingdom of Bahororo people) disintegrated due to internal quarrels within 100 years of its founding. Bahororo then scattered. Some returned to Rwanda, others took refuge in Rujumbura in 1800, some stayed in Ankole and the rest went to other parts of Uganda.

8.      The part of Mpororo in Ankole was taken over by Bahinda ruling clan of Bahima. Thus, Bahororo in Ankole became commoners like Bairu (slaves). To avoid being referred to as commoners Bahororo adopted the name of Bahima in Ankole, in Rujumbura and elsewhere. That is why they were not known until recently.

9.      Although they lost their territory and suspended using their Bahororo name, they tenaciously clung together. While Bahima, Bahororo, Batutsi and Banyamulenge intermarry, men do not marry outside of Nilotic ethnic group. When other Uganda men (mostly educated or wealthy) marry Bahororo, Bahima, Batutsi and Banyamulenge women they are ‘tutsified’ and become an integral part of Bahororo, Bahima and Batutsi in-laws, basically abandoning their ancestral relatives. Kesaasi confirmed this relationship in her recent article in Observer (Uganda) newspaper.

10.     Bahororo in Ankole who had kept a low profile, resurfaced during negotiations leading up to independence. They demanded a separate district in southwest Ankole (roughly present-day Ntungamo district). They were not successful. Museveni who is a Muhororo was old enough to understand what was going on.

11.     Museveni realized that Bahororo numerical inferiority will always work against them in a democratic system based on majority rule. Revolutionary violence and later democracy at gun point would be the answer.

12.     While still in High School Museveni began to organize. While at Dar es Salaam University in Tanzania, he undertook military and revolutionary training.   Realizing that Bahororo were very few he rallied the support of disgruntled people: Bahima who had lost their Ankole kingdom in 1967, Batutsi who had lost their kingdom in Rwanda in 1959, Baganda who had lost their kingdom in 1967, Catholics who had been defeated by Protestants in Uganda elections, and western capitalism that had been wounded as a result of nationalization of private business and introduction of socialism in Uganda.

13.     Using the pretext of so-called 1980 rigged elections Museveni with help of western media and money launched a five-year devastating guerrilla war in the Luwero Triangle on Buganda soil. He captured power in 1986.

14.     Museveni who is power hungry soon realized that Marxist ideology would not keep him in power. He abandoned it, embraced capitalism, denationalized foreign enterprises and returned Asians in exchange for western political, diplomatic and financial support. Linda Chalker, former minister in Thatcher government became Museveni’s close adviser. Later the New Labor government in UK gave Museveni a breathing space and exempted him from introducing multiparty politics. “The new British Labor government has decided that it ‘will not press for multiparty reform in Uganda’” (Journal of Democracy April 1998). This breathing space gave Museveni an opportunity to destroy pre- independence parties: Catholic-based Democratic Party (DP) and Protestant-based Uganda Peoples’ Congress (UPC) and build National Resistance Movement (NRM) that absorbed DP and subsequently UPC supporters. When multiparty politics was reintroduced, DP and UPC were almost dead and have not recovered. FDC which started off very well is being strangled. In real terms, Uganda is one party state, Museveni’s NRM.

15.     Using structural adjustment instruments, Museveni managed to marginalize or get rid of experienced Ugandans who were branded UPC supporters and refused to return those experienced Ugandans in diaspora except a few that were close to him. This environment gave Museveni the opportunity to hire Bahororo, Bahima, Batutsi and Banyamulenge cousins in government, private sector and security forces. Unfortunately most of them are poorly educated and inexperienced in running a government or business. That explains in large part why Uganda’s economy, ecology and society are in deep trouble. In pursuit of economic growth, NRM government forgot about development and sustainability.

16.     As Bahororo consolidated, they began to come out of the shadows and to declare they are Bahororo, not Bahima anymore. Using historian advisers, Museveni has managed to identify Bahororo wherever they live in Uganda, in Africa and beyond and has given them juicy jobs in government and in business. The ministries of foreign affairs and finance and security forces are packed with Bahororo.  It is rumoured (subject to confirmation) that Bashambo women (ruling Bahororo clan) have formed an association of Bashambokazi Kumanyana (to know one another) so they can help one another and consolidate Bahororo hold onto power.

17.      Because many Bahororo and Bahima lack good education and experience as noted above, they have relied heavily on foreign (and largely young) advisers (with little knowledge of Uganda’s sensitive history and culture) while there are many Ugandans with good qualifications and a wealth of experience un or under-employed. Bahororo have monopolized strategic institutions and businesses in order to stay in power indefinitely.

18.To sum up, Bahororo are mostly concentrated in former Ankole district and Rujumbura county of Rukungiri district. They are Nilotic people who speak Bantu language. Their Nilotic cousins are Bahima, Batutsi and Banyamulenge.  These cousins do not marry outside their Nilotic ethnic group. Bahororo are now the rulers of Uganda led by President Museveni who has been in power for 25 years and is now campaigning for another five-year term.

 

Eric Kashambuzi

Re-opening CBS does not solve the Buganda question

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Dear Ugandans,

Suddenly, CBS Radio was back on air after over a year since it was abruptly switched off the airwaves by a regime hell bent on suppressing people’s opinions.  I remind readers that I’m no Aisha Nankya or Edriss Kironde so my article will not be published in the New Vision or the daily Monitor.  Pro-Buganda writers don’t get such privileges.

37 people were killed, 150 left unemployed and hundreds of businesses crippled simply because General Museveni, General Tinyefuza and General Kayihura did not want that the decision blocking the Kabaka’s visit to Kayunga was reported on CBS Radio.  Was it all necessary?  NO is the big only answer.

But the military men did not end there.  To re-open the station they imposed tough conditions: That the station moves out of Bulange, that the station stops referring to itself as ‘Radio ya Ssabasajja’ and that certain journalists including Betty Nambooze be fired.  All conditions were unacceptable to Baganda and so the issue went to court.

But before our learned friends could have the final decision on the matter, I hear that government changed heart and decided to let CBS back on air without any conditions other than ensuring that broadcasts are in line with broadcasting standards.

Somewhere somehow something happened.  Suubi lya Buganda, a pressure group advocating for the rights of Baganda in the 2011 general elections was gaining momentum in Buganda and hurting the movement government in what was a movement strong region.  Will the re-opening of CBS Radio reverse the NRM rot in Buganda.

I hope not because for me CBS was never part of Ebyaffe.  If the government says that they close it again I’d say go ahead.  It’s not the radio station that hurt the government but the message that was being transmitted to the masses.  This message was the return of Ebyaffe.  These include ‘akenda’ the 9000sq miles that Uganda government confiscated from Buganda during the 1966 crisis.  The payment of rent arrears totaling sh 20 billion that the government has refused to pay to Buganda for use of her county properties and the refusal by the government to return the country to a federal system of government.

Also, it is this NRM government that made an attempt to remove Kabaka Mutebi from the throne claiming that he was not the real Kabaka of Buganda.  They refused to the Kabaka from visiting Bululi county in 2007 and Kayunga in 2010 citing security concerns.  Government has encouraged want away counties in Buganda and supported the Kaamuswaga to rebel against Mengo, legitimized Bunyoro’s illegitimate claims to Buganda counties in Singo, Bulemezi and Bululi.  At one time President Museveni was encouraging Basoga to claim Bugerere county.  In the background, the government was busy re-drawing the map of Uganda and eliminating the word ‘Buganda’ preferring to refer to Buganda as the central region.  Don’t forget the kidnappings of Buganda Kingdom officials Betty Nambooze and Peter Mayinga.

To finish off the kingdom, the Movement government has a proposed legislation in Parliament called the Kampala Bill.  The contents are the last nail in the coffin for Buganda as we know it because Buganda counties of Busiro, Kyadondo, Kyagwwe and Mawokota will be taken out of Buganda and placed under central government control.  In effect ending Buganda as a viable future ‘Federal’ entity.

At one time the President referred to ‘Akenda’ as “Public Land in Buganda” and went on a campaign to rally the whole country against Buganda.  All this was being done without provocation and despite the fact that President Museveni got 1.74 million votes from Buganda at the last general election.  Giving up Buganda, the Kabaka and identinty was the price Baganda had to pay for voting and standing by the NRM government for the last 25 years.

Unfortunately for President Museveni, these issues remained on people’s lips even when CBS has been closed.  Infact Baganda started to identify themselves as victims of a slow genocide and there’s a case at the United Nations.  Buganda Nationalism became stronger and the anthem ‘Ekitibwa kya’Buganda is now a must sing at every major Buganda function in the community.  For Museveni closing down CBS has been a sad failure and reversing it a humiliating retreat.   Should we welcome it?  No.  Because our focus is on ‘Ebyaffe’ and NOT CBS radio.

We should instead ensure that we do not have NRM MP’s anywhere in Buganda .  Museveni and his regime are hostile to Buganda and cannot be trusted with power and our destiny.  If you give them power again during the 2011 elections their actions in government could be worse.  Don’t rule out total enslavement of Baganda in the next 5 to 10 years.  Already they are creating districts around the kingdom for the purpose of being able to create sub-autonomous entities in Buganda.

Stay away from anyone from the movement if you love Buganda and Uganda.  It is in the interest of Uganda that the Buganda question is solved.

Michael Senyonjo

Fundraiser to support Free and Fair Election in Uganda

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SAVE THE DATE!
 
DateSaturday, November 13th, 2010 from 3 pm to 10 pm
 
EventFundraiser to support Free and Fair Election in Uganda: February 12, 2011.
 
Theme CEGUN (Campaign to End Genocide in Uganda…NOW!) will host this fundraiser to support Presidential Candidates Olara Otunnu (Uganda People’s Congress—UPC—Party) and Norbert Mao (Democratic Party—DP). Proceeds will go to the individual candidate’s campaigns against 24-year incumbent Yoweri Museveni (National Resistance Movement—NRM).      
 
VenueHome of Dr. Peter McKimmon
4770 55th Street
San Diego, CA 92115-2203
 
Suggested Donation:Adults: $25.00; Students: $20.00.
(Tickets are available for pre-sale and at the door.)
 
 Please keep checking the CEGUN website at www.cegun.org for updates on the event. Details of this fundraiser will follow but we are planning a party with lots of great food, music, entertainment, dancing and fellowship in a beautiful setting. Let’s participate in a peaceful regime change and celebrate our solidarity at this important juncture in Uganda politics.
 
It’s time to have some FUN while supporting a brilliant future for Uganda and the Great Lakes Region of Africa!
 
If you haven’t marked November 13th on your calendar, please do so now!
 
Please plan to join us!
 
Contacts:San Diego: Lucy Larom: 619-239-4199, cegun.info@gmail.com
Los Angeles: Walter P’Lapit: 951-314-5312

Will Kalundi Robert Sserumaga be back on air after court ruling

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Dear editor,

I certain hope that Mr. Sserumaga will soon return on the air: the country badly needs his incisive analyses of,  and witty commentary on, Uganda’s politics.

Kalundi Serumaga

 
In the recent past, several cases brought by the Museveni regime against citizens of Uganda have been thrown out of court for one reason or another, e.g. Museveni Regime vs CBS, Museveni Regime vs ‘Kampala September Rioters’, Museveni Regime vs  Besigye and others on treason, Museveni Regime vs Kalundi Sserumaga, and many others.
 
In the case of Museveni Regime vs ‘Kampala September Rioters’, those charged were illegally detained in prison for a year, the Museveni regime failed to follow its own laws to produce those charged in court to face charges within the time period proscribed by the constitution and/or law — thereby violating their constitutional and human rights.
 
It is obvious that the Museveni Regime, like that of  Obote I & II, is illegally using the judicial system to harass, persecute and intimidate its opponents. In otherwords, it is abusing its power, by misusing and abusing the judiciary. This is a point that has been repeatedly pointed out by various international human rithgs organizations and foreign governments of donor nations. Therefore the abuse of power is a fundamental and basic characteristic of the Meseveni regime.
 
Recently the US Department of State specifically emphasized this very point in its annual report for 2009 (as it has done in several previous reports) by stating, in part:
 
 
“…Uganda … Serious human rights problems in the country included arbitrary and politically motivated killings; vigilante killings; politically motivated abductions; mob and ethnic violence; torture and abuse of suspects and detainees; harsh prison conditions; official impunity; arbitrary and politically motivated arrest and detention; incommunicado and lengthy pretrial detention; restrictions on the right to a fair trial and on freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, and religion; restrictions on opposition parties; electoral irregularities; official corruption; violence and discrimination against women and children, including female genital mutilation (FGM), sexual abuse of children, and the ritual killing of children; trafficking in persons; violence and discrimination against persons with disabilities and homosexuals; restrictions on labor rights; and forced labor, including child labor. …”
U.S. State Department, March 11, 2010. 2009 Human Rights Report: Uganda
http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2009/af/135982.htm
 
 
A partial list of such damning reports written by international organization and some Western governments to concretely document the track record of the Museveni regime in the ares of democracy and governance may be found at:

http://ugandansinthediaspora.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=49:tales-of-torture-and-death-in-ugandas-torture-centres&catid=36:human-rights-violation-by-museveni&Itemid=64
 
It is also quite telling that a recent ranking of the 21 worst dictators in the world by Foreign Policy Magizine includes Museveni:

http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/06/21/the_worst_of_the_worst?page=0,19
 Musamize

Museveni – from Grand reformer to simply surviving

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Dear people,

Please click on the link below to open up a PDF document and analysis of our president by  Africa Confidential

Museveni — from grand reformer to simply surviving

Please we want to hear your comments after reading the article. Thank you

Buganda tujjukira okwefuga olwaleero

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Buganda tujjukira okwefuga olwaleero okuva mu  offisi yamawanga AMATWAALE (commonwealth) aga Bungereza. Buganda nga EGGWANGA baali balitutte. Oluvanyuma lw’Abaganda okutabaala Abangereza, baatuddiza obuyinza bwaffe bwebatusanga nabwo obujjuvu.
Ssekabaka Muteesa 1 yeyakola Endagaano ya  Buganda Protectorate  n’Abangereza ate Ssekabaka Muteesa 11 nasiibula nebatwamuka.
Ekyennaku ate bannaffe abaddugavu kati bebatutwaala okuvira ddala ku Obote nabuli kati, twelwaneko Abaganda twetwaale fekka. “Tukole tutya?”  Tuleme kukkiriranya  nabasigaddewo nti twefugira  ku lunaku lwelumu wamu n’Amawanga agasigaddewo mu Uganda.
Yali Kitange Serwano Serwabwe Kaggwa, eyebase e Ddandira Mukono Kyaggwe,eyabeeranga e Butebo Bukedi  n’Abakedi bangi bemmanyi  abenyigira ennyo mu lutalo lwokuleeta Obwetwaze bwa Buganda ne Uganda nga bayita mu kibiina kya Uganda National Congress ekyayitibwanga ekya  I. Musaazi nabalala bangi  nga bassa kimu nga Enkuyege bebaana enzaalwa kaswa eza Uganda sossi ba Sserwajja okwoota.
Naye kati mulaba JOHN KALEKYEZI  yatimbibwa amayinja, abaffe Abu Mayanja ali luddawa nebanne? Abaganda naddala mmwe muzukuke, Communism ne Socialism owekiddugavu ajjirira.
Okujjako nga Omuganda oyo teyasomerako ddala, nokutegeera tategererako ddala nakamu, yayinza okwogera nti  Uganda twefugira wamu nga october 9,1962.
Abaganda naddala  ffe,twefungirize wamu twetereewo Federo gyetwalina  eyaamaanyi nokusingawo. Amawanga amalala agagaala Federo, ganatulabirako negatugoberera. Mujjukire Tewali alina Federo mu kikapu gwetunagisaba agirinako Obuyinza eyeyita Katonda. Ffe Abaganda ffe Federo, bwetutabaawo, bwetutagitekawo, ne Federo teberawo.
Bwemuva kubyange mugende ku wa Ngatto- Omulabi.
Ndi Omuliga,
Rev. Nnakabaale Kaasa
African Liberation Theology Apologist
e Boston, USA

bumaaya@yahoo.com

Beti Kamya Has Disappointed A lot of Baganda and Ugandans

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Dear readers,

The story in the Eddobozi newspaper about Beti Kamya refusing the Buganda National Anthem to be sang at her party’s delegates Conference has sent shock waves to all Baganda in Uganda and in Diaspora, but Who tells you that Betty Kamya was a believer in federalism in the first place? If she can claim to be a federalist but miserably fails the test of understanding the fact that the federal concept contains a critical element of ‘unity in diversity’ which must be consciously promoted by her and her supporters, then you just have to confirm that she has all along been a masquarader. And like ‘Seya’ (Ssebaggala) has just ditched his ‘party’ supporters by crossing over to NRM, now just wait to read who’s next in line to join up where Seya has crossed over to!  Sadly, that’s how low Uganda politics has sunk! Kitalo nnyo!!

On account of the fact that a big number of our people, whether educated or not, are gullible and therefore don’t bother to scratch their brains deeper than the mere surface of their head skins, they believe every garbage our greedy and ego-centric politicians blurt out while politicking.  While some people had already warned Ugandans of Ssebagagla’s liability to the general political opposition on account of his political monkey business he started on immediately after he had been sworn in as the new Kampala mayor (2006-2010), and more recently when he dished out lots of money with questionable sources to DP members in Mbale, the gullible ones went ahead to join ship with his so-called Liberal Democratic Party. Where are they now after Seeya’s “giving his behind??(his own words!)” to the NRM? Certainly in the political cold!

Similarly, some people had already warned Ugandans of Betty’s acrimonious exit from FDC citing tribalism, blah, blah after which she jumped on the federalism card to form what she initially called a “pressure group” but which is now a political party! She went further to attack the FDC, IPC, KB as being no better than NRM or even Museveni, and how they are ostensibly wasting time campaigning against NRM.  But even more preposterous thanthis, she went ahead to claim that she’s responsible for having made the federal cause popular to all Ugandans as if her UFA had already been formed when more than 95% of Baganda and 67% of the rest of Ugandans had already expressed themselves in favor of federalism in the Odoki Commission and subsequently the Ssempebwa Constitutional Review Commission!

But now that the pretences and lies can no longer hold for what Betty’s true political intentions are, I am so glad that she’s finally blown up her “federal” cover. Betty can go right ahead to get all the “votes” she can have from the rest of Uganda but let her also rest assured that she has completely politically ditched her would-be votes in Buganda with those careless remarks she made regarding the singing of “Ekitiibwa Kya Buganda”.  Those who have the eyes to clearly see  the 5th columnism in the likes of Seeya, Betty and the rest of IPC & SUUBI bashers  now know who are the next two or three “party” personalities are about to jump in the pecuniary bed with NRM!

God save Uganda and Ugandans of all the greedy and ego-centic politicians!!

Benjamin Zaake Buganga

FLASH BACK 1953: BRITAIN WANTED MMENGO HEAD CHOPPED OFF

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Forumists,
1/2  If at all YK Museveni expressed intentions of cutting off Mmengo’s head (which, typical of UAH smartness is being read as cutting off RM Mutebi’s head), he would not have been the first to do so, and in all certainty, he will not be the last.
2/2  Just a historical record of British plans for a coup d’etat (chopping off the head) in 1953.  The term coup d’etat is not mine: it is used on page 2 of the document.   Note the similarity in the patterns of today’s and 1953 Mmengo intransigence:

Lady Damalie: & M7’s 50 million in death – what for?

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Summary: Lady Damalie, Mutesa II Queen was laid to rest today. Ironically, instead of the GoU having paying her during her 25 year illness (she had one side parlayed); they offered 50M to manage her burial. Did they wish her just ‘quick speed’?

Read on, about the woman that faced the British in her humbleness, not because of just love but because of her conviction on Freedom.

1/7. Mutesa II’s Queen, now late lady Damalie was laid to rest at the Southern Cemetery of St. Paul’s Cathedral Namirembe, the same place her mother-in-law, the late Queen Mother Drucila Namaganda lies. RIP.

2/7. But wait, politicians never cease to amaze. During the funeral service at the same St. Paul’s, The PM of Uganda, Prof. Apollo, announced the donation of Sh. 50,000,000/= from his BOSS, His Excellency The Fountain of Mercy of Uganda.

3/7. Mercy indeed because this indomitable lady freedom fighter lay in bed with stroke, embittered, at Namirembe Hill, for a quarter of a century and the GoU refused to heed messages to pay her, her late husband’s Ex-Presidential benefits [the law providing for such has been passed, may be with a view to the future, as than to the past, and we wait to see if Hanna Lule {wife of Ex-president Lule} will benefit].

The question still arises, was the 50M for the late Queen or for show or PR and electioneering purposes???

4/7. Back to the Question: Lady Damalie, was always controversial especially when she led an-anti colonial demonstration in 1953 after her King was deported and as some Baganda went to Court to contest the deportation (which case they won). She and her fellow women threatened to bear their chests and a scandal was only avoided when the white Police officers [unlike our Turyagumanawes of today] ‘feared’ chaos and let the demo proceed [the Kiganira anti-deportation crowds at Mutundwe hill were not so lucky, the Police officers acted like ours of today, but managed to dislodge Kiganira only after some days].

5/7. On the return of her King, lady Damalie beat British Intelligence at their game: The protocol was that Governor Chen would shale the hands of the returning King first. The Queen was to be number three in the welcoming queue. To everybody’s surprise, lady Damalie became the first person to shake the hands of the King by the aeroplane. Cohen, as usual, laughed it off, good PR he was good at.

6/7. One cannot forget that what made Lady Damalie lie embittered, for 25 years, went beyond government negligence but that is another story that can only be told/explained by the Royal Court and by Namirembe.

7/7. One concludes, with regret that, her passing marks the threshold of an area. An era that would have marked too, the time mutes II would probably be coming of age too. The era that has seen the contemporaries like H.H. Muloki pass on. Meaning too, that Mutesa’s other contemporaries at Budo Junior, like Binaisa, Ssempebwa, etc, may be in the evening of their lives.

RIP Lady Damalie, freedom fighter and a real proof of what Love should be: till death.

Christopher Muwanga,

Nakasero,

Kampala.

How the State weakens the communities

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Sometime back I did a survey in Luwero. I moved on bicycles and foot from Nakaseke to Kiwoko. I went inside villages and visited relatives and friends. Some 17 years after the war, people were in total fear. All the people I met never wanted to hear anything about NRM – that is in Luwero.
They lost a lot of people. And they know, had it not been for NRM their loved ones would be alive today. One elder man lost all children. As he saw me arriving the first thing he told me was that all my children are “lying their” dead. I told him I wanted to come back to the village – as the rest of villagers told me – was that it was dangerous and meaningless – they thought the war was still going on!!
This is exactly what is happening in Atiak to Gulu. In West Nile people are very guarded since they fear any retribution as a result of Amins era.
a similar survey in Masaka established that their misery on squabbling by the Democratic Party who actually held power. If you ask any person in Kampala Markets who has held these people back – they will tell exactly who by name.

Political parties in the opposition do merely not understand the issues and political topology. Do you here any politician seriously talking about corruption, murder of children, theft, and poverty NO why because they earn from the chaos.
The only solution is for the people to turn their loyalty to their local traditional leaders and culture to save us from Political Corruption by politicians. Culture will always be in contradiction with political ideologism.

What is the chronological history of elected members of parliament in Luwero (Bulemezi), Kyadondo, Acoli (entire), West Nile and Masaka? So what are the political party issues really? and why aretalkng about NRM

In Luwero, I know of Victoria Mwaka, Kisamba Mugerwa, Kiddu makubuya, Rose Namayanja, Abraham Byandala, Kisiki etc all NRM

Who are the MPs in Acoli land Reagan Okumu, Mao, Latigo, odongo otto, Ocenge Penytoo

Who are the MP in Masaka, John Kawanga, Lule Mawayi, Ssekandi, Mugerwa Sauda, Balintuma Nsambu  Maurice Kagimu

So I am asking you how come that we still have the same party in power?

Bwanika Nakyesawa Luwero

Observer report concocted Museveni comments to incite tribal divisions

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Tel:      231900                                                                                                                                                    State House

Fax:     235462                                                                                                                                                  P.O.Box 25497,

Email: press@statehouse.go.ug Kampala,

info@statehouse.go.ug Uganda

Observer report concocted Museveni   comments to incite tribal divisions

June 15th, 2010

Please refer to The Observer Report of Monday June 14th, 2010 under the headline “Museveni to Mengo: I’ll cut off your head,” by Edward Ssekika and the subsequent use of the photograph of the President and the Kabaka of Buganda.

The report claimed that the President accused the Kabaka of Buganda of attempting to divide Ugandans along ethnic lines and that he said that if the Kingdom crosses its boundaries and interferes with his roles, he will chop off his head with no case to answer.

There was nowhere in the President’s address to the people of Bunyoro did he mention Mengo, or the Kabaka of Buganda or anything to do with the Kingdom of Buganda. The complete recording of the President’s address is available to the public, for those who are interested in the truth.

The paper obviously wanted to ride on tensions between the Central government and Buganda so as to turn a colourful and respectable ceremony of the Banyoro into a platform for inciting tribal divisions. The paper also chose to totally ignore the focus of the celebrations in Hoima, where hundreds of thousands of people had gathered to mark the 16th anniversary (Empango) coronation of Omukama Solomon Gafabusa Iguru to dwell on issues to do with Buganda, something that is totally insulting to the people of Bunyoro. Of all the media institutions that were represented in Bunyoro on this day, it is only The Observer that had a completely different version of reports.

It has been a deliberate policy and practice for The Observer newspaper to always malign the person of the President using concocted reports. While the paper has a right to support whatever political or cultural interests it feels like, it is fair journalism practice to declare its interests to the public and to give the President a fair hearing by being impartial in its reports about him and the institution of State House if it chooses to make such reports.

The President has been a strong advocate of cultural institutions and worked tirelessly for their return. His argument then and now has been that if the traditional leaders focused on their roles and responsibilities without interfering into politics, they can easily co-exist and offer alternative leadership roles to develop the country. The President has always said cultural institutions can work well with modern governments if handled well and if each played their roles according to the constitution of the Republic of Uganda.

In Hoima, the President likened this role to several people each having his lubimbi (garden) to cultivate alongside each other – Cultural leaders, religious leaders, politicians etc. He said if suddenly one of these abandoned his lubimbi and crossed into another’s, they can easily have their heads cut off and become casualities with no case to answer. He also likened this to religious leaders who have a specific role in the society, saying there are many people who are religious but not all of them are allowed to perform baptism roles. He emphasized the importance of unity and urged the traditional leaders to support government’s Prosperity for All programme to help their people fight poverty from their homes.

Whatever the intensions and purposes of The Observer report, it is unacceptable for them to whip up tribal divisions at a time when our country needs unity and prosperity.

Museveni is no better than Iddil Amin or Obote

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Dear Ugandans,

Ugandan leaders have all been the same with minor differences. If you trace carefully and critically, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni( YKM) is no different from Iddil Amin Dada and all the other past leaders he always despises. I expect the usual suspects to argue that YKM is miles ahead of the ruling class. Wapi. They have been a bunch of mediocre who failed to create long lasting stability in Uganda. Uganda today is no more stable than it was at the time of independence. Kingdoms were abolished but what did it achieve? Some could argue that it gave Uganda YKM.

Idil Amin was president of Uanda( 1971-79)

See how his admirers measure transformation; YKM is supposed to be better because UPDF is more people friendly. Or he has allowed this or that or that people can at least sleep.

But if Ugandans were to be honest there is no social, political, economic transformation in Uganda. The people are again worried about the future. As The late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga famously wrote” it is not yet Uhuru” in Uganda. I dare anyone in Ugandans At HEART (UAH) to come forward and make the case that Uganda has undergone positive transformation since independence.

The national education system ended with Amin. Up to 1979, it did not matter much where one went to school. They had a fare shot at success. Things went downhill since then.

All past leaders and YKM shine from time to time in the eyes of their admirers because those who came after/before them set the bar so low. Look at YKM on corruption; it would be a real idiot who would not be better on his record. YKM is also the most tribalistic leader EVER in the history of Uganda and has no shame about it. He has screwed that country like never before, but because in some areas he is yet to reach the lows set by his predecessors, Ugandans still give him the benefit of the doubt, and YKM also goes chest thumping about it. The sad part is that Ugandans tolerate and even worship mediocrity in all spheres.

Yes, the Kingdoms can play a positive role in society. Why is it that the golden days in Buganda when Ugandans from all over the country could settle in Buganda without any problems was before or shortly after independence? Look at Ghana where cultural institutions are accepted and actually respected. No Ghanaian president can talk such nonsense you hear from YKM about kingdoms or traditional chiefs. A Ghanaian friend told me last week that his brother’s funeral is on hold in Accra because under the Gaa-the original ethnic groups around Accra-traditions, funerals cannot place there for some time. They are celebrating their traditions. There are Ugandans here in UAH forum that live in Ghana and can testify to that.

Now to the question some people wanted to ask: suppose Uganda was to embrace federalism how would Kingdoms fit in? Actually the question was settled in 1955 by what is famously known as the Namirembe Agreement of October 1955, which made it clear that Kingdom rulers would be Constitutional Monarchs like the Queen of England is today. I will not abuse the intelligence of UAH folks by explaining what a constitutional monarch is. So when you read Monday’s editorial in the New vision, you begin to understand what we are talking about: mediocrity all over. And by the way, the Namirembe agreement of 1955 applied to all kingdoms not just Buganda. The media in Uganda seems to be ignorant of this famous Agreement based on what they continue to spew out in their pages or editorials whenever YKM speaks out.

So people, ask yourself this question: why is it the case that in Uganda you see people-will not call them leaders-pretending to have what it takes to lead DP, UPC and other opposition parties. Some of the people in those political parties who offered to lead them should never have been in the race in the first place, but because mediocrity is now more or less the norm in Uganda, they offered themselves, and managed to cause chaos in opposition parties.

I am not going to get into the business of naming names here but take a critical look at the pretenders who threaten the identities of their respective parties? Are those the calibre of leaders to take down their traditional parties or to fight and die for? Put differently is the current NEC line up in political parties, particularly DP, in Uganda ,are they there on merit and have something to offer the country in terms of leadership.


W.B.Kyijomanyi
UAH forumist in NewYork

Can M7 cut off Buganda’s head as he has threatened when he never created it

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Can one destroy what one never made or has never created? One may pretennd to but only for purposes of self-satisfaction.   Read more views on the “Cutting off” bellow:

Summary: That M7 threatens to “cut” off Buganda or to cut it to size is a slogan anti-Buganda politicians have voiced all along, from the 50’s. This is done mainly to mebelise ant-ganda feelings from the rest of Uganda. But, most of those who have done so gave come, found Buganda and left her in place. You cannot remove Buganda from Uganda and she remains Uganda. That is like removing the cog from the wheel.

1/7. The main aim M7 threatens Buganda and especially Mmengo is because he wants to look democratic and yet, fears the mobelisation capabilities of Mmengo hence his threats (himself and via Karooro w/o Stanslas Okurut): “We shall reach Buganda without Mmengo”. If my means “abolishing” the Kabakaship, one can call these the tantrums of a spoilt child.

M7 cannot abolish kingdoms from the peoples’ hearts. What he can do, like AMO before him, is constrain them in space and time, as M7 is already doing.

2/7. Cut ‘off” Buganda would mean “taking the cog from the wheel. Want an example? Look at the former USSR: Article 5 of the Soviet Constitution allowed Republics to “leave the Union”, if they so wished.

3/7. The thought of the framers of the constitution, back in 1921, were of course thinking of the poor peripheral republics in Central Asia, the Caucasus, etc.

4/7. But check what one mad man Yeltsin, a Russian tribalist (sorry, Bazungu cannot be tribalists, so we say “nationalist”) decides to take away ‘Mother Russia’  from the Union, invoking article 15 of the constitution. The rest is history.

5/7. In other words, Buganda can only be destroyed from inside and that is the method M7 is going to try, by electing a Katikiro, for example, not answerable to the Kabaka but to him {via the Regional Tier) and by bribing many Baganda with ‘office’.

6/7. Cutting off Buganda: What M7 really means is not that he will wipe Buganda from the project that is Uganda. He only wants to become Kabaka (in charge of Baganda) and this, he can do on the surface but not in people’s hearts.

7/7. Conclusion: Mt believes that by giving every sib-clan a district, he will have managed to destroy Uganda (and therefore Buganda) but he can not, especially in the case of the later, as the Kabakaship is a hurdle. In other words, M7 does not have Yelstsin’s luck on his side. He is only drunk with power and may soon behave like King Canute [of England], who thought he could control natural phenomena like the flow of tides. M7 too thinks he can control the thinking of people. No way.

Christopher Muwanga,

Nakasero,

Kampala.

Why Doesn’t NRM get it?!!

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U.N. Declaration affirms:

Indigenous peoples have the right to own, develop, control and use the lands and territories, including the total environment of the lands, air, waters, coastal seas, sea-ice, flora and fauna and other resources which they have traditionally owned or otherwise occupied or used. This includes the right to the full recognition of their laws, traditions and customs, land-tenure systems and institutions for the development and management of resources, and the right to effective measures by States to prevent any interference with, alienation of or encroachment upon these rights.

The people must rise up to claim their inalienable rights to knowledge.

In Worcester v. Georgia, one of the most cited domestic law judicial opinions in the world, Marshall wrote that the rights of discovery belonging to European discoverers under the European Law of Nations could not affect the property rights of the Indians of America, who were “already in possession, either as aboriginal occupants, or as occupants by virtue of a discovery made before the memory of man.”[225]

The existence of the colonial state of Uganda and its marionettes does not extinguish and or affect the property rights of Baganda, Madi, Bakiga innovations and discoveries, Acoli discovery of Christianity, Itesot discovery of animal husbandry and ajon brewing (fermentation). These so called  “tribes” (nations), clans and individuals were already in possession, either as aboriginal occupants or as occupants by virtue of their history and future, made before the memory of man. (bwanika)

ILO Convention No. 169 provides that “Governments shall have the responsibility for developing, with the participation of the peoples concerned, co-ordinated and systematic action to protect the rights of these peoples and to guarantee respect for their integrity.”[208] To that end, the Convention requires states to adopt special measures “as appropriate for safeguarding the persons, institutions, property, labour, cultures and environment of the peoples concerned.”[209]

In the context of a logging concession, for example, such positive measures might include measures in the design of the governing operational plan to prevent environmental impacts from road-building or timber harvesting that might harm indigenous peoples’ subsistence hunting and agricultural practices or interfere with access to sacred sites. Such measures might also include compensation for temporary or long-term degradation of soil or water quality. (Kampala)

Chapter 26 of Agenda 21 calls on states to adopt and give effect to the following measures, among others:

Adoption or strengthening of appropriate policies and/or legal instruments at the national level; Recognition that the lands of indigenous people and their communities should be protected from activities that are environmentally unsound or that the indigenous peoples concerned consider to be socially and culturally inappropriate;

Recognition of their values, traditional knowledge and resource management practices with a view to promoting environmentally sound and sustainable development.[211]

The impact of government-sanctioned resource extraction activities in indigenous peoples’ traditional territories that do not conform with this requirement not only reduces the ability of the affected cultural group to maintain its own economic and social integrity, it irredeemably changes the entire economic structure of the affected region. State-imposed economic exploitation of their lands and loss of resources deprives indigenous peoples of their traditional livelihoods, forcing them to participate in a new economic regime that they do not control. In this way the cultural fabric of the indigenous group slowly unravels, instead of “enriching the fabric of society as a whole” as anticipated by the U.N. Human Rights Committee.[212] The requirement of providing special safeguards is to protect indigenous peoples from such a fate.

Failure on the part of states to provide such demarcation and recognition of indigenous peoples’ properties and use areas results in difficult and threatening conditions for indigenous peoples. Without secure and defined land tenure, indigenous peoples invariably find their lands and habitats being encroached upon by outsiders. Indigenous peoples are then vulnerable to the practices of government officials who may regard indigenous peoples’ land as property of the state, and indigenous peoples are deprived of the ability to effectively and freely develop their lands and resources on their own terms.

A common law doctrine founded on unjust discrimination in the enjoyment of civil and political rights demands reconsideration. It is contrary both to international standards and to the fundamental values of our common law to entrench a discriminatory rule, which, because of the supposed position on the scale of social organization of the indigenous inhabitants of a settled colony, denies them a right to occupy their traditional lands.[161]

A state, therefore, cannot escape international responsibility by merely referring to its domestic laws or administrative practices. Rather, it has the obligation to change its internal laws and practices to recognize indigenous peoples’ rights in relation to lands and resources and, moreover, to take affirmative steps to protect them.

The Committee notes that “[p]ositive measures of protection are . . . required not only against acts of the State party itself, whether through its legislative, judicial or administrative authorities, but also against the acts of other persons within the State party.”[181]

………the indigenous peoples concerned lack specific state recognition and protection of their traditional lands, and, in the absence of such recognition, unwanted natural resource exploitation or other encroachments threaten their lands. In these situations the failure to take necessary protective measures lead to a violation of rights to property, culture, and physical well-being.

DANIEL BWANIKA

KAMPALA

Possible fundraising methods for Buganda Kingdom

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submitted by William Kituuka

Members,

To those who are Baganda and those who sympathize with the Buganda Kingdom, You will all agree with me that there is a deliberate move to weaken the Buganda kingdom financially, lender it incapable of solving any social problems affecting the subjects, create room for the kingdom to be mocked by the likes of Mulindwa and hence create a dependence syndrome which will lead to the collapse of the Kingdom.

The leadership in Mengo has tried to raise funds, come up with ideas but in all cases the sources are blocked by Buganda’s enemies. The closure of cbs, the new land law, the burning of Kasubi tombs etc are all clear manifestation that the hopes to stabilize income for the kingdom are minimal.

By opening an account in the bank on which to deposit money, the Mengo leadership is trying to minimize funds mismanagement and to ensure that the accountability is easy. However, the method only considers those who can afford to go to the bank and eliminates those with small donations, those with no time to reach the bank and those who prefer quick processes.

In this modern  society, even fund raising should go modern so that we utilize the new technology to avoid the inconveniences of envious people who hate to see Buganda Kingdom developing.

The first step should be to raise funds by using an sms. It is a matter of negotiating with the mobile phone network providers and sign a partnership contract where each sms will deduct a certain amount of money and at the end of the day, the money shall be shared between the company and Buganda Kingdom. This system can work in such a way that all sms can be channeled to the Kingdom site for viewing and accountability. In this approach, people of all walks can fund raise starting with UGX 500.

The second idea is  to set up a Buganda kingdom fund raising day where on such a day, all Baganda and their friends should reflect seriously on their Kingdom and atleast prepare to donate to the kingdom. I believe that on that day alone, the kingdom would raise more than 1 billion shillings.

Finally, Buganda kingdom should use all kingdom functions to raise funds. For example the week of mourning for Kasubi tombs should be used to sell off special fund raising certificates etc

Jude Mayanja

Museveni’s army displays its thuggery at Kasubi tombs

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The People’s army – Kasiita twebbaka kutulo.





People take cover at the Kasubi Tombs after the military started shooting to disperse people who had gathered at the cultural site on Wednesday. Behind is what remains of the main section that housed the mausoleums of the four kings of Buganda. Photo by Stephen Otage

An  injured man is taken away

Riot  police approach Baganda near the tombs

Aftermath of fire at site of the Kasubi  tombs

An eye witness describes what he saw at Kasubi before the fire

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1. Salutations to the Kabaka for showing his HUMAN side and for joining his subjects in grieving this desecration, once again, of his fore-father’s Kingdom. Not only is Buganda with you but Uganda too and the World [through UNESCO that has recognised this structure like it did Babylon, the Pyramids of ancient Egypt, etc].

2. Distribution of Mausoleums in ancient Buganda: It is noteworthy that, in all the planning, the post-modern Buganda is not cleverer than the ancestors – otherwise, yester night’s damage would have been worse still with the remains of ALL the former Buganda Kings perishing together. ONLY 4 HAVE been affected now but it could have been worse. How??

3. Before 1882 when this mausoleum was built by Mutesa the 1st, as his final resting place [not unlike his pyramid {a “masilo” structure in Ganda architecture is an inverted conical ‘pyramid’}, BUGANDA KINGS CHOSE THEIR FUTUTURE MAUSOLEA in advance, in different locations (most find themselves in Busiro province]. That is why Kintu’s mausoleum today is his and his alone. That of Kimera is his and his alone. That of Chwa the 1st is his and his alone. In other words, all the former Kings of Buganda have a mausoleum each to himself except the last four [Mutesa I, Mwanga,  Chwa II and Mutesa II, who, together, rest at Kasubi].

4. The adoption of the practice of the kings sharing a mausoleum seems to have been taken up when foreigners and western civilisation set foot on Buganda soil. Otherwise, we would now only be crying for the desecration of 1 grave, not of 4, if this practice of former kings sharing resting places had not been adopted 128 years ago.

5. Way forward: No evil action can diminish the resolve of the people of Buganda to preserve their heritage, even with such a devastating blow as the great evil fire of the night of 16th March, 2010. Of course artifacts like the gifts Queen Victoria to the Kabaka of Buganda, Mutesa-I’s pet leopard (till yesterday, stuffed but standing}, the first mirrors and European-style carpentry chairs in the country, the personal spears and other weapons of each of the 4 Kabaka’s, etc, etc are gone. The spirit of the Baganda remains though and cannot be diminished through intimidation or otherwise. 2 lives lost but how many have been lost before? The Kings’ bodies must have survived, of course and will be re-interned after the restoration that is already underway [the gathering of materials like poles and special reeds started being gathered already today 17th March].

6. Once gain, salutations to H.H. the Kabaka of Buganda for showing the magnanimity and human side that many would shy away from exhibiting. You are great modern King. March on Buganda. You recovered from at least one such affront before. You will certainly recover from this too, with all well-meaning Ugandans by your side.

Meanwhile, an eyewitness colleague described a scene in front of his house to me, [at 9th AM [E.A.T] in Kampala], as witnessed from the veranda of his house at around 9:00 PM, the evening of the 16th of March:

‘I was sitting at the veranda of my house with my brother, about 300 metres from the junction in front of the Kasubi Mausoleum. Suddenly, a grey Prado, with no number-plate comes screeching to a halt, chased by a ‘bunch’ of boda-boda [motor-cycle-taxi] riders who are shouting, “wuuyo ayokez’ amasiro” {there is the man who has burnt the mausoleum”}.The vehicle stops and a man with a “bastola” [Luganda for ‘pistol’] comes out, pointing it at the nearest rider. The foremost rider backs into the metal gate of our courtyard, which open ajar, violently. The others fall in a heap over him. The pistol man re-enters the Prado as a taxi from the “Masiro” side too, gives chase towards Namungoona suburb..”

Different witnesses have recounted the same incident and the tabloids have picked it up.

Conclusion: No-one can convince anybody that a 130 year old structure, with no electric power wiring, with no people sleeping inside, with not kitchen within the 30-50 metres distance around, inside a fence, could catch fire by accident. The case for arson is simply too strong to be dismissed just like that.

The mother of all questions remains: Why? Why? Why? Why attack such an inanimate structure that, like a sleeping baby, cannot defend itself? Why? Why? and Why?

Christopher Muwanga,

Nakasero, Kampala.

18.3.2010.

Buganda’s royal tombs in Kasubi burnt

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Kasubi Tombs before

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Inside the Royal Tombs before fire

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Tombs in Kasubi burnt
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In the morning

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The future is bleak

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Graves of the kings

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Kabaka Mutebi visit sight

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Here is our Kabaka at the scene with tears almost coming out:

Eyewitnesses said the fire started from behind the huts. The main hut was completely destroyed as the surging crowd wailed in disbelief, hampering further the Police efforts to stop the inferno from spreading.

The Police said they could not tell the extent of the damage to the world famous heritage site since they were unable to access it, but it was clear that the huts were reduced to ash.

Situated on a hill within Kampala, the site is an active religious place in Buganda Kingdom.

As a burial ground for four kings, it is a religious centre for the royal family, a place where the Kabaka and his representatives frequently carry out important rituals.

It is also an outstanding example of traditional Ganda architecture and an exceptional testimony of the living Ganda traditions.

For Uganda, the site represents an important symbol of its history and culture. The tombs were listed as a UNESCO world heritage site in 2001.

The Baganda date their political civilisation back to the 13th Century AD. Their first Kabaka was Kintu. He is said to have come with his wife Nambi, whose hand he won by performing heroic deeds at the command of her father Gulu.

The first Kabaka to be buried at Kasubi tombs was Muteesa I, the 35th king.
Buganda’s kings built their palaces on strategic hills to control the major roads to the palace and find easy ways to escape in case of an invasion or rebellion.

Each Kabaka was buried at a separate site in a royal shrine to house his jaw bone, which was believed to contain his spirit.

Muteesa 1 was born around 1835 and was crowned in 1856. He established his palace at Kasubi in 1882, as did his father, Kabaka Suuna 11.

His son Daudi Chwa succeeded him in 1897. Chwa died in 1939 and he was also buried at Kasubi Tombs with his two predecessors.

Chwa was succeeded by his son Edward Muteesa 11. When Uganda attained independence from the British on October 9, 1962, Muteesa II became the constitutional president of Uganda.

However, Apollo Milton Obote stormed his palaces in May 1966 and forced him into exile in England. He died in 1969 in London and his remains were brought back and buried at Kasubi in 1971.

It is not known how the tombs will be rebuilt following the fire last night.

The Police were alerted about the fire at 8:50pm. However, attempts by the fire brigade to reach the site were hampered by a riotous crowd.

“We could not access the scene because of the rioters, so we could not save the tombs,” Simon Musoke, the chief fire officer, explained.
Musoke said three fire trucks were damaged and a fire fighter injured by the rioters.

Details about the cause of the fire and the extent of the damage were scanty.

Last evening, at least two military mambas were seen heading to the site.

Reported by Caroline Batenga, Steven Candia and Raymond Baguma
New Vision 17/3/2010.

Government should set up a commission of inquiry to investigate the flames at Kasubi Tombs

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Kasubu tomba torched on 16/03/10 around 21:00

Uganda has  about 357 sites and monuments that  have been identified and documented as part of Uganda’s cultural heritage. The areas included in the world heritage list are the Kasubi tombs, Bwindi national park and Rwenzori Mountain and national park. However, Uganda has several other cultural heritage sites found in all regions of the country some of which have been documented.  Supposedly the sites are in the custody of the Royal Family and it is tasked with protecting them and also supported by UNESCO, how adequate are the resources, we are yet to know.

The Kasubi tombs hill is divided into three main areas: the main tomb area located at the western end of the site, an area containing buildings and graveyards located behind the tombs, and a large area on the eastern side of the site used primarily for agricultural purposes

The entrance to the site is a beautifully built gatehouse called Bujjabukula. According to Ganda tradition, the guards who control access to the site hide behind a see-through woven reed screen, to keep watch round the clock in order to control access. This gatehouse was constructed using wooden columns supporting a thatched roof, with walls made of woven reeds. The Bujjabukula leads to a small courtyard which contains a circular house in which the royal drums are kept, the Ndoga-Obukaba.

Submitted by William Kituuka

Before we throw bricks at anyone or jump to conclusions, I think it is better to gather the facts as they come in and if arsonist(s) had hand in this monumental loss, then it must be the priority of the government to find them and  bring them  to book.   It may well have been purely an accident but too soon to tell and an independent commission of inquiry into the incident will not be far fetched.

Edriss Kironde

UAH forumist/NRM

USA

BURULI AND BUNYALA (BUGERERE): MMENGO CAN’T HAVE IT AND EAT IT!

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Forumists,
1/6 Many keep wondering about what it is about the relationship between Bugerere/Buruli and Bunyoro; yet others rather amazingly, even amusingly keep taking for granted their being integral to Buganda.
2/6 The maps below show the reality of those territories in the evening of the 20th century.  Bunyala is what is currently (or for the time being) called Bugerere.  As we know, Buyaga and Bugangaizi are the only counties that have so far been restored to Bunyoro.
3/6 Note that the process that resulted in the allocation of 4227 Square Miles of land (the so -called Akenda) to the government of the country was the very same process that allotted Buganda all those territories in a process of sharing the Bunyoro spoils.  What Buganda has to understand from that historical fact is the reality that, undoing the government’s claim to the 4227 Sq miles of what was in 1900 called “Crown Land” cannot happen without Buganda’s loss of the territory that belongs to Bunyoro, unless Mmengo wants to have it and also eat it.  Those two processes were on the back of each other.
4/6 If you want the “Akenda” (4227 sq miles) back, then surrender everything else that was part of “mpa nkuwe” (scratch my back and I scratch yours) that was the essence of the 1900 agreement, i.e., cannibalisation of Bunyoro.
5/6 Because Mmengo fails to understand that reality, it will never comprehend why Entebbe matches the noises about “Akenda” with blocking the Kabaka from going to Bunyoro territories currently held by Buganda.  Problem: Mmengo wants to “Kusala ekikuubo”, as they say north of Lake Nalubaale.
6/6 To be noted also is that, the real content of the process that had given Buyaga and Bugangaizi to Buganda was the allocation of land in those two counties to Mmengo government and its subjects.  It is intriguing that Mmengo government could be evicted from those counties but its subjects were left there in charge of land that should have been automatically reverted to its Banyoro owners.  In other words, the 1964 referendum was “byoya byanswa.”  There is a stick therein that will in all certainty be used to flog an intransigent Mmengo one of these days.  The losers will be the Buganda Land lord class that somehow were left to hold on to Bunyoro land: their government departed Buyaga and Bugangaizi and they too should have followed it in 1964; and it is not too late.


BUNYORO 1895:
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Source: “Report of the Uganda Relationships Commission, 1961 (Munster Commission Report), map between pp 88 and 89.
The shaded part is the territory of Bunyoro constituting the 7 “Lost Counties” of which Bunyala (Bugerere) and Buruli are part.  After the 1964 referendum, only Buyanga and Bugangaizi were restored to Bunyoro.
BUGANDA 1895:
Funny Pictures
Source: “Pilkington of Uganda”, p.116

BUGANDA 1895:

Funny Pictures

Source: Richard Reid (2002), “Political Power in Precolonial Buganda” (London: James Currey), p. xi